Attack by Chechen militants. Attack on the Russian Guard base in Chechnya: six soldiers were killed, militants were destroyed. According to a well-known scenario

Six militants attacked the location of the Russian Guard near the village of Naurskaya in Chechnya. The terrorists opened fire on the security forces, who were forced to return fire. As a result, the attack was repulsed and the terrorists were eliminated.

“In the Chechen Republic, at about 02:30, a group of armed bandits tried to enter the territory of one of the military camps of the National Guard. The militants took advantage of heavy fog during the attack. While attempting to enter the territory of a military camp, the bandit group was discovered by a military detachment, which entered into battle with it. Six attackers were killed,” the Russian National Guard said in a statement.

It is noted that the bandits were well prepared and had ammunition with them. In addition, during the inspection, security forces found replicas of suicide belts on the bodies of some militants.

The Russian Guard suffered losses

However, losses among personnel could not be avoided. Six security forces were killed during the clash, and several more were injured.

“Unfortunately, it was not possible to avoid losses from the soldiers of the Russian Guard; among the military personnel there were killed and wounded,” the National Anti-Terrorism Committee reported.

According to some reports, among the victims are a rangefinder of an artillery regiment, a commander of an engineer battery, and a deputy battery commander.

At the moment, the operation to eliminate the bandits has been completed. Operational search and investigative actions are being carried out to establish the identities of the attackers. Explosive technicians from the Russian Federal Security Service are also on site.

According to a RIA Novosti source, the “Fortress” plan has been introduced in the military unit. To clarify the circumstances of the attack, a task force from the central apparatus of the Russian Guard troops went to Chechnya.

The attack on the military unit of the Russian Guard was commented on in the State Duma.

“Terrorism is the path to death. And our country, with the help of highly qualified actions of law enforcement agencies, will continue to respond to such actions harshly and uncompromisingly,” TASS quotes the head of the Security and Anti-Corruption Committee Vasily Piskarev.

In turn, State Duma Vice Speaker Vladimir Vasiliev promised on behalf of the deputies to provide comprehensive legislative support for the activities of the Russian Guard.

Effective counteraction

According to the National Anti-Terrorism Committee, last year security forces prevented over 40 terrorist attacks, more than 140 militants were killed during operations, and about 900 more were detained.

The Russian Guard notes that in the North Caucasus alone, 82 bandits were neutralized in 2016. In addition, about 50 improvised explosive devices were neutralized.

It is emphasized that the units of the joint group, in cooperation with operational headquarters, carried out more than 1 thousand special events.

“Together with law enforcement agencies, more than 3 thousand crimes have been solved and 148 members of the underground gang taking part in hostilities in the Middle East region have been identified. Over 2.5 thousand citizens and 164 units were identified and detained. vehicles that are wanted,” the department said in a statement.

On the site of the Tukhchar tragedy, known in journalism as the “Tukhchar Golgotha ​​of the Russian outpost,” now “stands a good-quality wooden cross, erected by riot police from Sergiev Posad. At its base there are stacked stones, symbolizing Golgotha, with withered flowers lying on them. On one of the stones, a slightly bent, extinguished candle, a symbol of memory, stands lonely. There is also an icon of the Savior attached to the cross with the prayer “For the forgiveness of forgotten sins.” Forgive us, Lord, that we still don’t know what kind of place this is... six servicemen of the Russian Internal Troops were executed here. Seven more miraculously managed to escape.”

AT NAMELESS HEIGHT

They - twelve soldiers and one officer of the Kalachevskaya brigade - were sent to the border village of Tukhchar to reinforce local police officers. There were rumors that the Chechens were about to cross the river and attack the Kadar group in the rear. The senior lieutenant tried not to think about it. He had an order and he had to carry it out.

We occupied height 444.3 on the very border, dug full-length trenches and a caponier for infantry fighting vehicles. Below are the roofs of Tukhchar, a Muslim cemetery and a checkpoint. Beyond the small river is the Chechen village of Ishkhoyurt. They say it's a robber's nest. And another one, Galaity, hid in the south behind a ridge of hills. You can expect a blow from both sides. The position is like the tip of a sword, at the very front. You can stay at the height, but the flanks are unsecured. 18 cops with machine guns and a riotous motley militia are not the most reliable cover.

On the morning of September 5, Tashkin was awakened by a patrolman: “Comrade senior lieutenant, there seem to be...“spirits.” Tashkin immediately became serious. He ordered: “Get the boys up, but don’t make any noise!”

From the explanatory note of Private Andrei Padyakov:

On the hill that was opposite us, in the Chechen Republic, first four, then about 20 more militants appeared. Then our senior lieutenant Tashkin ordered the sniper to open fire to kill... I clearly saw how after the sniper’s shot one militant fell... Then they opened massive fire on us from machine guns and grenade launchers... Then the militias gave up their positions, and the militants went around the village and took us into ring. We noticed about 30 militants running across the village behind us.”

The militants did not go where they were expected. They crossed the river south of Height 444 and went deeper into the territory of Dagestan. A few bursts of fire were enough to disperse the militia. Meanwhile, the second group - also about twenty to twenty-five people - attacked a police checkpoint on the outskirts of Tukhchar. This detachment was headed by a certain Umar Karpinsky, the leader of the Karpinsky jamaat (a district in the city of Grozny), who was personally subordinate to Abdul-Malik Mezhidov, the commander of the Sharia Guard.* The Chechens with a short blow knocked the police out of the checkpoint** and, hiding behind the gravestones of the cemetery, began to approach the positions of the motorized riflemen . At the same time, the first group attacked the height from the rear. On this side, the BMP caponier had no protection and the lieutenant ordered the driver-mechanic to take the vehicle to the ridge and maneuver.

"Height", we are under attack! - Tashkin shouted, pressing the headset to his ear, - They are attacking with superior forces! What?! I ask for fire support!” But “Vysota” was occupied by Lipetsk riot police and demanded to hold on. Tashkin swore and jumped off the armor. “How the f... hold on?! Four horns per brother..."***

The denouement was approaching. A minute later, a cumulative grenade arrived from God knows where and broke the side of the “box.” The gunner, along with the turret, was thrown about ten meters; the driver died instantly.

Tashkin looked at his watch. It was 7.30 am. Half an hour of battle - and he had already lost his main trump card: a 30-mm BMP assault rifle, which kept the “Czechs” at a respectful distance. In addition, communications were cut off and ammunition was running out. We must leave while we can. In five minutes it will be too late.

Having picked up the shell-shocked and badly burned gunner Aleskey Polagaev, the soldiers rushed down to the second checkpoint. The wounded man was carried on his shoulders by his friend Ruslan Shindin, then Alexey woke up and ran on his own. Seeing the soldiers running towards them, the police covered them with fire from the checkpoint. After a short firefight, there was a lull. After some time, local residents came to the post and reported that the militants had given half an hour for them to leave Tukhchar. The villagers took civilian clothes with them to the post - this was the only chance of salvation for the policemen and soldiers. The senior lieutenant did not agree to leave the checkpoint, and then the police, as one of the soldiers later said, “got into a fight with him.”****

The argument of force turned out to be convincing. Among the crowd of local residents, the defenders of the checkpoint reached the village and began to hide - some in basements and attics, and some in corn thickets.

Tukhchar resident Gurum Dzhaparova says: He arrived - only the shooting died down. How did you come? I went out into the yard and saw him standing, staggering, holding on to the gate. He was covered in blood and badly burned - no hair, no ears, the skin on his face was torn. Chest, shoulder, arm - everything was cut by shrapnel. I'll hurry him home. Militants, I say, are all around. You should go to your people. Will you really get there like this? She sent her eldest Ramazan, he is 9 years old, for a doctor... His clothes are covered in blood, burnt. Grandma Atikat and I cut it off, quickly put it in a bag and threw it into the ravine. They washed it somehow. Our village doctor Hasan came, removed the fragments, lubricated the wounds. I also got an injection - diphenhydramine, or what? He began to fall asleep from the injection. I put it in the room with the children.

Half an hour later, the militants, on the orders of Umar, began to “comb” the village - the hunt for soldiers and policemen began. Tashkin, four soldiers and a Dagestan policeman hid in a barn. The barn was surrounded. They brought cans of gasoline and doused the walls. “Give up, or we’ll burn you alive!” The answer is silence. The militants looked at each other. “Who is your eldest there? Decide, commander! Why die in vain? We don’t need your lives - we’ll feed you and then exchange them for our own! Give up!"

The soldiers and the policeman believed it and came out. And only when police lieutenant Akhmed Davdiev was cut off by a machine gun burst did they realize that they had been cruelly deceived. “And we have prepared something else for you!” — the Chechens laughed.

From the testimony of the defendant Tamerlan Khasaev:

Umar ordered all buildings to be checked. We dispersed and began to go around houses two at a time. I was an ordinary soldier and followed orders, especially since I was a new person among them; not everyone trusted me. And as I understand it, the operation was prepared in advance and clearly organized. I learned on the radio that a soldier had been found in the barn. We were given an order via radio to gather at a police checkpoint outside the village of Tukhchar. When everyone gathered, these 6 soldiers were already there.”

The burnt gunner was betrayed by one of the locals. Gurum Japarova tried to defend him - it was useless. He left surrounded by a dozen bearded guys - to his death.

What happened next was scrupulously recorded on camera by the action cameraman. Umar, apparently, decided to “raise the wolf cubs.” In the battle near Tukhchar, his company lost four, each of those killed had relatives and friends, and they had a blood debt hanging on them. “You took our blood - we will take yours!” - Umar said to the prisoners. The soldiers were taken to the outskirts. Four “bloods” took turns cutting the throats of an officer and three soldiers. Another one broke free and tried to run away - he was shot with a machine gun. The sixth one was personally stabbed to death by Umar.

Only the next morning, the head of the village administration, Magomed-Sultan Gasanov, received permission from the militants to take the bodies. On a school truck, the corpses of senior lieutenant Vasily Tashkin and privates Vladimir Kaufman, Alexei Lipatov, Boris Erdneev, Alexei Polagaev and Konstantin Anisimov were delivered to the Gerzel checkpoint. The rest managed to sit out. Some local residents took them to the Gerzelsky Bridge the very next morning. On the way, they learned about the execution of their colleagues. Alexey Ivanov, after sitting in the attic for two days, left the village when Russian aircraft began bombing him. Fyodor Chernavin sat in the basement for five whole days - the owner of the house helped him get out to his own people.

The story doesn't end there. In a few days, the recording of the murder of soldiers of the 22nd brigade will be shown on Grozny television. Then, already in 2000, it will fall into the hands of investigators. Based on the materials of the videotape, a criminal case will be initiated against 9 people. Of these, only two will be brought to justice. Tamerlan Khasaev will receive a life sentence, Islam Mukaev - 25 years. Material taken from the forum “BRATishka” http://phorum.bratishka.ru/viewtopic.php?f=21&t=7406&start=350

About these same events from the press:

“I just approached him with a knife.”

In the Ingush regional center of Sleptsovsk, employees of the Urus-Martan and Sunzhensky district police departments detained Islam Mukaev, suspected of involvement in the brutal execution of six Russian servicemen in the Dagestan village of Tukhchar in September 1999, when Basayev’s gang occupied several villages in the Novolaksky region of Dagestan. A videotape confirming his involvement in the bloody massacre, as well as weapons and ammunition, were confiscated from Mukaev. Now law enforcement officials are checking the detainee for his possible involvement in other crimes, since it is known that he was a member of illegal armed groups. Before Mukaev’s arrest, the only participant in the execution who fell into the hands of justice was Tamerlan Khasaev, who was sentenced to life imprisonment in October 2002.

Hunting for soldiers

In the early morning of September 5, 1999, Basayev’s troops invaded the territory of the Novolaksky district. Emir Umar was responsible for the Tukhchar direction. The road to the Chechen village of Galaity, leading from Tukhchar, was guarded by a checkpoint manned by Dagestani policemen. On the hill they were covered by an infantry fighting vehicle and 13 soldiers from a brigade of internal troops sent to strengthen a checkpoint from the neighboring village of Duchi. But the militants entered the village from the rear, and, having captured the village police department after a short battle, they began to fire at the hill. The BMP, buried in the ground, caused considerable damage to the attackers, but when the encirclement began to shrink, senior lieutenant Vasily Tashkin ordered the BMP to be driven out of the trench and open fire across the river on the car that was transporting the militants. The ten-minute hitch turned out to be fatal for the soldiers. A shot from a grenade launcher demolished the combat vehicle's turret. The gunner died on the spot, and the driver Alexey Polagaev was shell-shocked. Tashkin ordered the others to retreat to a checkpoint located a few hundred meters away. The unconscious Polagaev was initially carried on the shoulders of his colleague Ruslan Shindin; then Alexei, who received a through wound to the head, woke up and ran on his own. Seeing the soldiers running towards them, the police covered them with fire from the checkpoint. After a short firefight, there was a lull. After some time, local residents came to the post and reported that the militants had given half an hour for the soldiers to leave Tukhchar. The villagers took civilian clothes with them - this was the only chance of salvation for the police and soldiers. The senior lieutenant refused to leave, and then the police, as one of the soldiers later said, “got into a fight with him.” The argument of force turned out to be more convincing. Among the crowd of local residents, the defenders of the checkpoint reached the village and began to hide - some in basements and attics, and some in corn thickets. Half an hour later, the militants, on the orders of Umar, began clearing the village. It is now difficult to establish whether local residents betrayed the soldiers or whether the militants’ intelligence acted, but six soldiers fell into the hands of bandits.

‘Your son died due to the negligence of our officers’

By order of Umar, the prisoners were taken to a clearing next to the checkpoint. What happened next was scrupulously recorded on camera by the action cameraman. Four executioners appointed by Umar carried out the order in turn, cutting the throats of an officer and four soldiers. Umar dealt with the sixth victim personally. Only Tamerlan Khasaev ‘blundered’. Having slashed the victim with a blade, he straightened up over the wounded soldier - the sight of blood made him feel uneasy, and he handed the knife to another militant. The bleeding soldier broke free and ran. One of the militants began to shoot in pursuit with a pistol, but the bullets missed. And only when the fugitive, stumbling, fell into a hole, was finished off in cold blood with a machine gun.

The next morning, the head of the village administration, Magomed-Sultan Gasanov, received permission from the militants to take the bodies. On a school truck, the corpses of senior lieutenant Vasily Tashkin and privates Vladimir Kaufman, Alexei Lipatov, Boris Erdneev, Alexei Polagaev and Konstantin Anisimov were delivered to the Gerzel checkpoint. The remaining soldiers of military unit 3642 managed to sit out in their shelters until the bandits left.

At the end of September, six zinc coffins were lowered into the ground in different parts of Russia - in Krasnodar and Novosibirsk, in Altai and Kalmykia, in the Tomsk region and in the Orenburg region. For a long time, parents did not know the terrible details of the death of their sons. The father of one of the soldiers, having learned the terrible truth, asked that the meager wording – “gunshot wound” – be included in his son’s death certificate. Otherwise, he explained, his wife would not survive this.

Someone, having learned about the death of their son from television news, protected themselves from details - the heart would not have withstood the exorbitant load. Someone tried to get to the bottom of the truth and searched the country for his son’s colleagues. It was important for Sergei Mikhailovich Polagaev to know that his son did not flinch in battle. He learned how everything really happened from a letter from Ruslan Shindin: ‘Your son died not because of cowardice, but because of the negligence of our officers. The company commander came to us three times, but never brought any ammunition. He only brought night binoculars with dead batteries. And we defended there, each had 4 stores...’

Executioner-hostage

The first of the thugs to fall into the hands of law enforcement agencies was Tamerlan Khasaev. Sentenced to eight and a half years for kidnapping in December 2001, he was serving a sentence in a maximum security colony in the Kirov region when the investigation, thanks to a videotape seized during a special operation in Chechnya, managed to establish that he was one of those who participated in the bloody massacre on the outskirts of Tukhchar.

Khasaev found himself in Basayev’s detachment at the beginning of September 1999 - one of his friends tempted him with the opportunity to get captured weapons during the campaign against Dagestan, which could then be sold profitably. So Khasaev ended up in the gang of Emir Umar, subordinate to the notorious commander of the ‘Islamic special-purpose regiment’ Abdulmalik Mezhidov, Shamil Basayev’s deputy...

In February 2002, Khasaev was transferred to the Makhachkala pre-trial detention center and shown a recording of the execution. He did not deny it. Moreover, the case already contained testimony from residents of Tukhchar, who confidently identified Khasaev from a photograph sent from the colony. (The militants did not hide especially, and the execution itself was visible even from the windows of houses on the edge of the village). Khasaev stood out among the militants dressed in camouflage with a white T-shirt.

The trial in Khasaev's case took place in the Supreme Court of Dagestan in October 2002. He pleaded guilty only partially: ‘I admit participation in an illegal armed formation, weapons and invasion. But I didn’t cut the soldier... I just approached him with a knife. Two people had been killed before. When I saw this picture, I refused to cut and gave the knife to someone else.’

‘They were the first to start,’ Khasaev said about the battle in Tukhchar. “The infantry fighting vehicle opened fire, and Umar ordered the grenade launchers to take positions. And when I said that there was no such agreement, he assigned three militants to me. Since then I myself have been their hostage.”

For participation in an armed rebellion, the militant received 15 years, for stealing weapons - 10, for participation in an illegal armed group and illegally carrying weapons - five each. For an attack on the life of a serviceman, Khasaev, according to the court, deserved the death penalty, but due to a moratorium on its use, an alternative punishment was chosen - life imprisonment.

Seven other participants in the execution in Tukhchar, including four of its direct perpetrators, are still wanted. True, as Arsen Israilov, an investigator for particularly important cases at the Office of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus, who investigated Khasaev’s case, told a GAZETA correspondent, Islam Mukaev was not on this list until recently: “In the near future, the investigation will find out what specific crimes he is involved in. And if his participation in the execution in Tukhchar is confirmed, he may become our ‘client’ and will be transferred to the Makhachkala pre-trial detention center.

http://www.gzt.ru/topnews/accidents/47339.html?from=copiedlink

And this is about one of the guys who was brutally killed by Chechen thugs in September 1999 in Tukhchar.

"Cargo - 200" arrived on Kizner land. In the battles for the liberation of Dagestan from bandit formations, a native of the village of Ishek of the Zvezda collective farm and a graduate of our school, Alexey Ivanovich Paranin, died. Alexey was born on January 25, 1980. He graduated from Verkhnetyzhminsk primary school. He was a very inquisitive, lively, brave boy. Then he studied at Mozhginsky State Technical University No. 12, where he received the profession of a mason. However, I didn’t have time to work; I was drafted into the army. He served in the North Caucasus for more than a year. And now - the Dagestan war. Went through several fights. On the night of September 5-6, the infantry fighting vehicle, on which Alexey served as an operator-gunner, was transferred to the Lipetsk OMON, and guarded a checkpoint near the village of Novolakskoye. The militants who attacked at night set the BMP on fire. The soldiers left the car and fought, but it was too unequal. All the wounded were brutally finished off. We all mourn the death of Alexei. Words of consolation are hard to find. On November 26, 2007, a memorial plaque was installed on the school building. The opening of the memorial plaque was attended by Alexei’s mother, Lyudmila Alekseevna, and representatives from the youth department from the region. Now we are starting to design an album about him, there is a stand at the school dedicated to Alexey. In addition to Alexey, four more students from our school took part in the Chechen campaign: Eduard Kadrov, Alexander Ivanov, Alexey Anisimov and Alexey Kiselev, awarded the Order of Courage. It is very scary and bitter when young guys die. There were three children in the Paranin family, but the son was the only one. Ivan Alekseevich, Alexey’s father, works as a tractor driver on the Zvezda collective farm, his mother Lyudmila Alekseevna is a school worker.

Together with you we mourn the death of Alexey. Words of consolation are hard to find. http://kiznrono.udmedu.ru/content/view/21/21/

April, 2009 The third trial in the case of the execution of six Russian servicemen in the village of Tukhchar, Novolaksky district in September 1999, was completed in the Supreme Court of Dagestan. One of the participants in the execution, 35-year-old Arbi Dandaev, who, according to the court, personally cut the throat of Senior Lieutenant Vasily Tashkin, was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment in a special regime colony.

Former employee of the national security service of Ichkeria Arbi Dandaev, according to investigators, took part in the attack of the Shamil Basayev and Khattab gangs on Dagestan in 1999. At the beginning of September, he joined a detachment led by Emir Umar Karpinsky, who on September 5 of the same year invaded the territory of the Novolaksky region of the republic. From the Chechen village of Galaity, the militants headed to the Dagestan village of Tukhchar - the road was guarded by a checkpoint manned by Dagestan policemen. On the hill they were covered by an infantry fighting vehicle and 13 soldiers from a brigade of internal troops. But the militants entered the village from the rear and, having captured the village police department after a short battle, began shelling the hill. The BMP buried in the ground caused considerable damage to the attackers, but when the encirclement began to shrink, senior lieutenant Vasily Tashkin ordered the armored vehicle to be driven out of the trench and open fire across the river on the car that was transporting the militants. The ten-minute hitch turned out to be fatal for the soldiers: a shot from a grenade launcher on the BMP demolished the turret. The gunner died on the spot, and the driver Alexey Polagaev was shell-shocked. The surviving defenders of the checkpoint reached the village and began to hide - some in basements and attics, and some in corn thickets. Half an hour later, the militants, on the orders of Emir Umar, began to search the village, and five soldiers, hiding in the basement of one of the houses, had to surrender after a short firefight - in response to machine gun fire, a shot from a grenade launcher was fired. After some time, Alexey Polagaev joined the captives - the militants “located” him in one of the neighboring houses, where the owner was hiding him.

By order of Emir Umar, the prisoners were taken to a clearing next to the checkpoint. What happened next was scrupulously recorded on camera by the action cameraman. Four executioners appointed by the commander of the militants took turns following the order, cutting the throats of an officer and three soldiers (one of the soldiers tried to escape, but was shot). Emir Umar dealt with the sixth victim personally.

Arbi Dandaev hid from justice for more than eight years, but on April 3, 2008, Chechen police detained him in Grozny. He was charged with participation in a stable criminal group (gang) and attacks committed by it, armed rebellion with the aim of changing the territorial integrity of Russia, as well as encroachment on the lives of law enforcement officers and illegal arms trafficking.

According to the investigation materials, the militant Dandaev confessed, confessed to the crimes he had committed and confirmed his testimony when he was taken to the place of execution. In the Supreme Court of Dagestan, however, he did not admit his guilt, stating that his appearance took place under duress, and refused to testify. Nevertheless, the court found his previous testimony admissible and reliable, since it was given with the participation of a lawyer and no complaints were received from him about the investigation. The video recording of the execution was examined in court, and although it was difficult to recognize the defendant Dandaev in the bearded executioner, the court took into account that the name Arbi could be clearly heard on the recording. Residents of the village of Tukhchar were also questioned. One of them recognized the defendant Dandaev, but the court was critical of his words, given the advanced age of the witness and the confusion in his testimony.

Speaking during the debate, lawyers Konstantin Sukhachev and Konstantin Mudunov asked the court to either resume the judicial investigation by conducting examinations and calling new witnesses, or to acquit the defendant. The accused Dandaev in his last word stated that he knows who led the execution, this man is at large, and he can give his name if the court resumes the investigation. The judicial investigation was resumed, but only to interrogate the defendant.

As a result, the examined evidence left no doubt in the court’s mind that the defendant Dandaev was guilty. Meanwhile, the defense believes that the court was hasty and did not examine many important circumstances for the case. For example, he did not interrogate Islan Mukaev, a participant in the execution in Tukhchar in 2005 (another of the executioners, Tamerlan Khasaev, was sentenced to life imprisonment in October 2002 and died soon in the colony). “Almost all the petitions significant for the defense were rejected by the court,” lawyer Konstantin Mudunov told Kommersant. “So, we repeatedly insisted on a second psychological and psychiatric examination, since the first one was carried out using a falsified outpatient card. The court rejected this request. “He was not sufficiently objective and we will appeal the verdict.”

According to the defendant’s relatives, mental problems appeared in Arbi Dandaev in 1995, after Russian soldiers wounded his younger brother Alvi in ​​Grozny, and some time later the corpse of a boy was returned from a military hospital, whose internal organs had been removed (relatives attribute this to with the trade in human organs that flourished in Chechnya in those years). As the defense stated during the debate, their father Khamzat Dandaev achieved the initiation of a criminal case on this fact, but it is not being investigated. According to lawyers, the case against Arbi Dandaev was opened to prevent his father from seeking punishment for those responsible for the death of his youngest son. These arguments were reflected in the verdict, but the court found that the defendant was sane, and the case regarding the death of his brother had been opened a long time ago and was not related to the case under consideration.

As a result, the court reclassified two articles relating to weapons and participation in a gang. According to judge Shikhali Magomedov, defendant Dandaev acquired weapons alone, and not as part of a group, and participated in illegal armed groups, and not in a gang. However, these two articles did not affect the verdict, since the statute of limitations had expired. And here is Art. 279 “Armed rebellion” and art. 317 “Encroachment on the life of a law enforcement officer” was punishable by 25 years and life imprisonment. At the same time, the court took into account both mitigating circumstances (presence of young children and confession) and aggravating ones (the occurrence of grave consequences and the particular cruelty with which the crime was committed). Thus, despite the fact that the state prosecutor asked for only 22 years, the court sentenced the defendant Dandaev to life imprisonment. In addition, the court satisfied the civil claims of the parents of four dead servicemen for compensation for moral damage, the amounts for which ranged from 200 thousand to 2 million rubles. A photograph of one of the thugs at the time of the trial.

This is a photo of the man who died at the hands of Arbi Dandaev, Art. Lieutenant Vasily Tashkin

Lipatov Alexey Anatolievich

Kaufman Vladimir Egorovich

Polagaev Alexey Sergeevich

Erdneev Boris Ozinovich (a few seconds before his death)

Of the known participants in the bloody massacre of captured Russian soldiers and an officer, three are in the hands of justice, two of them are rumored to have died behind bars, others are said to have died during subsequent clashes, and others are hiding in France.

Additionally, based on the events in Tukhchar, it is known that no one rushed to help Vasily Tashkin’s detachment on that terrible day, not the next one, or even the next! Although the main battalion was stationed only a few kilometers not far from Tukhchar. Betrayal? Negligence? Deliberate collusion with militants? Much later, the village was attacked and bombed by aircraft... And as a summary of this tragedy and in general about the fate of many, many Russian guys in the shameful war unleashed by the Kremlin clique and subsidized by certain figures from Moscow and directly by the fugitive Mr. A.B. Berezovsky (there are his public confessions on the Internet that he personally financed Basayev).

Serf children of war

The film includes the famous video of the cutting off of the heads of our fighters in Chechnya - details in this article. Official reports are always stingy and often lie. On September 5th and 8th last year, judging by press releases from law enforcement agencies, regular battles were taking place in Dagestan. Everything's under control. As usual, losses were reported in passing. They are minimal - a few wounded and killed. In fact, it was precisely on these days that entire platoons and assault groups lost their lives. But on the evening of September 12, the news instantly spread through many agencies: the 22nd brigade of internal troops occupied the village of Karamakhi. General Gennady Troshev noted the subordinates of Colonel Vladimir Kersky. This is how they learned about yet another Russian victory in the Caucasus. It's time to receive awards. The main thing that remains “behind the scenes” is how, and at what terrible cost, yesterday’s boys survived in the lead hell. However, for the soldiers this was one of many episodes of bloody work in which they remain alive by chance. Just three months later, the brigade’s fighters were again thrown into the thick of it. They attacked the ruins of a cannery in Grozny.

Karamakhi blues

September 8, 1999. I remembered this day for the rest of my life, because it was then that I saw death.

The command post above the village of Kadar was lively. I counted about a dozen generals alone. The artillerymen scurried about, receiving target designations. The officers on duty drove journalists away from the camouflage network, behind which radios crackled and telephone operators shouted.

...Rooks emerged from behind the clouds. The bombs slide down in tiny dots and after a few seconds turn into columns of black smoke. An officer from the press service explains to journalists that aviation is working brilliantly against enemy firing points. When hit directly by a bomb, the house splits like a walnut.

The generals have repeatedly stated that the operation in Dagestan is strikingly different from the previous Chechen campaign. There is certainly a difference. Every war is different from its bad sisters. But there are analogies. They don't just catch your eye, they scream. One such example is the “jewelry” work of aviation. Pilots and artillerymen, as in the last war, work not only against the enemy. Soldiers die from their own raids.

As a unit of the 22nd Brigade prepared for the next assault, about twenty soldiers gathered in a circle at the foot of Wolf Mountain, awaiting the command to go forward. The bomb arrived, hitting right in the thick of the people, and... did not explode. A whole platoon was born wearing shirts back then. One soldier had his ankle cut off by a cursed bomb, like a guillotine. The guy, who became crippled in a split second, was sent to the hospital.

Too many soldiers and officers know about such examples. Too many to understand: popular popular pictures of victory and reality are as different as the sun and the moon. While the troops were desperately storming Karamakhi, in the Novolaksky region of Dagestan, a special forces detachment was thrown to the border heights. During the attack, the “aligned forces” made a mistake: fire support helicopters began operating at altitude. As a result, having lost dozens of killed and wounded soldiers, the detachment retreated. The officers threatened to deal with those who shot at their own...

Militant invasion of Dagestan (1999)

Exactly 20 years ago, on August 7, 1999, militants led by Shamil Basayev and Khattab invaded the territory of Dagestan. Fighting continued in the republic for more than a month. And just this year, Russia signed a law granting militias from Dagestan opposing militants the status of combat veterans.

Background

After the signing of the Khasavyurt Agreements in 1996 and the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya, Salafi Islam (Wahhabism) rapidly turned into a noticeable military-political force in the republic. This was facilitated by the course of the President of Ichkeria Zelimkhan Yandarbiev towards the accelerated Islamization of the Chechen state.

Not all Chechen leaders welcomed this course. In particular, Aslan Maskhadov, who served as prime minister during Yandarbiev’s reign, was against the hasty declaration of Islam as the state religion. However, at the beginning of 1999, Maskhadov himself, while serving as president and trying to strengthen his position, introduced “full Sharia rule” in Chechnya.

In April 1998, the Congress of the Peoples of Ichkeria and Dagestan took place in Grozny ( KNID, ), the chairman of which was elected the famous Chechen field commander Shamil Basayev. The purpose of creating the organization was stated to be “the liberation of the Muslim Caucasus from the Russian imperial yoke.” And it is under the auspices of Congress ( the organization is recognized as terrorist in Russia, its activities are prohibited by the court - approx. "Caucasian Knot") armed formations were created, which became the main striking force during the invasion of Dagestan.

In Dagestan itself, attempts to dissociate itself from Russia under Islamist slogans were made a year before the raid by militants from Chechnya.

In the spring of 1998, the Islamic Shura of Dagestan was created. It included representatives of Salafi jamaats, several ulama and imams of mosques in mountainous Dagestan, who belong to supporters of “traditional” Islam.

IN In August 1998, local Salafis in Karamakhi, Chabanmakhi and Kadar (Buinaksky district) declared that these villages were uniting into an independent community, the life of which was regulated by the Sharia court and shura. A checkpoint was set up on the road leading to Chabanmakhi, and a green Muslim flag was hung on one of the mountains. A sign was installed nearby with a warning: “Sharia law applies in this territory.” Thus,was created in the Kadar GorgeWahhabi autonomous enclave known as the Kadar Zone.

One of the leaders of the Dagestan Islamists, Bagautdin Kebedov (Magomedov), expressed the opinion that the government of Dagestan is in a state of “shirk” (paganism) and called himself an adherent of the Islamic state. The prototype of such a state, from the point of view of the “Wahhabis,” was a separate Islamic territory in the Kadar zone.

In September 1998, the head of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sergei Stepashin, held negotiations with Islamist leaders. Having visited the village of Karamakhi, the minister said: “I would warn everyone against labeling them ‘Wahhabis’, ‘extremists’. We have freedom of religion. ... we will all help you peacefully, I give you my word of honor. No one will fight with the civilian population.” Stepashin promised not to take forceful action against the community in exchange for the surrender of the weapons they had. The weapons were not surrendered, but until August 1999 the authorities did not take any measures to suppress the enclave.

On August 1, 1999, a week before the large-scale invasion from Chechnya, the introduction of Sharia rule was also announced in the villages of Echeda, Gakko, Gigatli and Agvali in the Tsumadinsky district.

Beginning of the invasion

The massive penetration of Chechen militants into Dagestan began on August 7, 1999. On this day, more than a thousand armed fighters from Chechnya entered the territory of the republic. The villages of Ansalta, Rakhata, Shoroda and Godoberi in the Botlikh district were immediately captured, and over the next few days other settlements in the Botlikh and Tsumadinsky districts were captured.

The core of the illegal armed formation group consisted of foreign mercenaries and fighters "Islamic International Peacekeeping Brigade", created under the auspices of the KNID ( the organization is recognized as terrorist in Russia, its activities are prohibited by the court - approx. "Caucasian Knot") and associated with al-Qaeda. The group was led by Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev and an Islamist military leader originally from Saudi Arabia known as Khattab. (Khattab himself lived for some time in the village of Karamakhi in the mid-1990s. A native of the village, Darginka Fatima Bidagova was one of his wives.)

On August 10, the Islamic Shura of Dagestan distributed an “Address to the Chechen state and people”, “An appeal to the parliaments of Muslims of Ichkeria and Dagestan”, “Declaration on the restoration of the Islamic state of Dagestan” and “Resolution in connection with the occupation of the state of Dagestan”. The documents spoke about the formation of an Islamic state on the territory of the republic.

Appointment of Vladimir Putin as head of government

On August 8, the head of the Russian government, S. Stepashin, visited Dagestan. The next day he was dismissed. At a meeting of the Presidium of the Cabinet of Ministers on the day of his resignation, Stepashin said: “The situation is very difficult, perhaps we can really lose Dagestan.”

Stepashin's place as head of government was taken by FSB director Vladimir Putin. On August 9, appointing Putin as acting Prime Minister, President Yeltsin expressed the hope that this very person will be elected as the new head of state in a year.

Displacement of militants into Chechnya

On August 11, a military operation began to push back militants from Dagestan. At the same time, not only Russian security forces, but also Dagestani militias took the side of the federal center. The militia was led by the Deputy Chairman of the Government of Dagestan, Gadzhi Makhachev. The militia involved the paramilitary Avar organization “Popular Front of Dagestan named after Imam Shamil”, headed by Makhachev.

Artillery and aviation were used against the militants. On August 12, the first reports were receivedrumors about the air bombing of illegal armed formation bases in Chechnya, and a day later - about the short-term advance of columns of Russian armored vehicles into Chechen territory.

On August 12, Deputy Head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation I. Zubov announced that a letter had been sent to the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Maskhadov with a proposal to conduct a joint operation with federal troops againsttive Islamists in Dagestan. He also suggested that Maskhadov “resolve the issue of liquidating bases, storage and rest areas of illegal armed groups, which the Chechen leadership is trying to disavow in every possible way.”

On August 16, Maskhadov introduced a state of emergency in the republic. And on the same day, at a rally in Grozny, he said:“We have nothing to do with what is happening in Dagestan, and regard this as a purely internal matter of Russia.” The resolution of the meeting stated that “neither the leadership nor the people of Chechnya are responsible for the actions of individual volunteers,” and Russia was accused of seeking to use Dagestan “as a springboard for unleashing a bloody war in Chechnya.”

On August 24, the command of the United Group of Forces in the North Caucasus reported that federal troops had liberated the last villages captured by militants - Tando, Rakhata, Shoroda, Ansalta, Ziberkhali and Ashino. Shamil Basayev with the surviving militants went to Chechnya.

On August 25, the Russian Air Force launched its first bombing attacks on Chechen villages near Grozny, where, according to intelligence reports, Basayev and Khattab had bases.

Liquidation of the enclave in the Kadar zone

On August 29, after the end of the fighting in the Botlikh region, a military operation began to liquidate the Wahhabi enclave in the Kadar zone. The operation was led by the Commander-in-Chief of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, Colonel General V. Ovchinnikov and the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Dagestan, Major General A. Magomedtagirov.

On August 31, the villages of Karamakhi, Chabanmakhi, Kadar, Durangi, adjacent farmsteads and Mount Chaban were blocked by federal units. Since the mountain heights and approaches to villages were mined by militants, the area was cleared with the help of artillery and aviation from federal forces. Both sides of the conflict suffered losses. .

As a result of the operation in the Kadar zone, 1,850 houses of local residents were completely destroyed.

Fighting in the Novolaksky district

On September 5, about 2 thousand militants under the command of Basayev and Khattab again crossed the Chechen-Dagestan border and occupied villages and dominant heights in the Novolaksky region of Dagestan.

Internal troops and armored vehicles were deployed to the combat zone, and the Russian Air Force carried out a number of combat sorties in the Nozhai-Yurt region of Chechnya, where, according to the military, they bombed exclusively militant formations heading to help in Dagestan.

On September 7, federal troops, Ministry of Internal Affairs forces and Dagestani militias stopped the advance of militants 5 km from the city of Khasavyurt.

On September 14, federal forces recaptured the village of Tukhchar, Novolaksky district. A cleanup was carried out in the regional center of Novolakskoye, the villages of Shushiya and Akhar.

According to eyewitnesses, operating in the Novolaksky region, federal forces relied on the support of the population and felt like liberators. In this regard, the situation was different from the Kadar zone. After all, in the “Wahhabi” enclave, the security forces felt themselves “not liberating their own territory, but rather occupying a hostile one.”

Completion of the campaign in Dagestan

On September 15, Russian Defense Minister Igor Sergeev reported that the territory of Dagestan had been completely liberated.

After ousting the militants from Dagestan, Russian troops continued to fight in Chechnya.

On September 29, 1999, negotiations between the Chairman of the State Council of Dagestan Magomedali Magomedov and the President of Chechnya Aslan Maskhadov were to take place in Khasavyurt. However, the meeting was disrupted. According to the official version, the negotiations did not take place due to the fact that local residents blocked the road in the area of ​​Khasavyurt and the Dagestan-Chechen border, not allowing both the Chechen delegation and Magomedali Magomedov’s motorcade to enter the regional center. The protesters opposed such negotiations, saying that Aslan Maskhadov should have met with the Dagestan side when militants from Chechnya attacked Dagestan.

Magomedali Magomedov himself also condemned the Chechen leader for not expressing his attitude towards the attack by militants on the Dagestan regions from Chechnya. However, as a result of the negotiations, Maskhadov should have publicly condemned the act of armed invasion of Dagestan and handed over to law enforcement agencies the Dagestani Islamist leaders Adallo Aliyev, Sirazhutdin Ramazanov, Bagautdin Magomedov (Kebedov) and Magomed Tagaev. In addition, it was planned to discuss measures to organize joint work to combat banditry, terrorism and crime.

When discussing the reasons for the breakdown of the meeting, the media put forward different versions. The picket of local residents, according to some sources, was organized with the direct participation of the head of the Khasavyurt administration, Saygidpasha Umakhanov. And either Umakhanov got out of the control of Makhachkala, or Magomedali Magomedov himself did not strive to get to the meeting due to some unexpected circumstances.

Magomedov went to meet with Maskhadov on the instructions of Prime Minister Putin, that is, the failed meeting actually became a disruption of the federal center’s plans to resolve the situation around Chechnya.

Before the incident, the Russian prime minister expressed hope that the leadership of Chechnya would “show constructivism and a desire for business dialogue,” and also “declare its readiness to liberate its territory from international gangs.” However, after the meeting broke down, Vladimir Putin’s entourage hastened to declare that the leader of Dagestan should only have listened to Maskhadov and received first-hand information, but the powers of Moscow’s official representative in the negotiations with Grozny were not delegated to him.

Subsequently, in an interview with Kommersant Vlast magazine, an unnamed Dagestan minister said that the meeting between Magomedov and Maskhadov was disrupted by Akhmat Kadyrov, who was “friends with Umakhanov.”

Terrorist attacks

The armed invasion of Dagestan by militants was accompanied by a series of terrorist attacks in Russian cities. As a result of the explosions of residential buildings in September 1999, 315 people were killed.

The first explosion occurred in the early morning of September 4 in the Dagestan city of Buinaksk, in a house where mostly military families lived (64 dead). The next day, another bomb planted near the Buinaksk military hospital was defused. This was followed by two explosions in Moscow - on Guryanov Street (109 dead) and on Kashirskoye Highway (124 dead). On September 16, a truck filled with explosives was blown up near a residential building in Volgodonsk (18 dead).

In addition, on August 31, 1999, an explosion occurred in an underground shopping complex on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow, which killed one person and injured several dozen. The explosion, initially declared a criminal showdown, was later reclassified as a terrorist attack.

On September 22, 1999, in Ryazan, several people were seen placing bags of hexogen in a residential building. According to the official version, these were exercises organized by the FSB.

Consequences of the invasion

During the Dagestan campaign, 275 Russian soldiers and officers were killed and 937 were wounded. In addition, 37 militiamen were killed and over 720 were wounded. The militants' losses amounted to about 2,500 people.

On September 19, 1999, Dagestan adopted the law “On the prohibition of Wahhabi and other extremist activities on the territory of the Republic of Dagestan,” which prohibited the propaganda of the ideology and practice of Wahhabism in the republic. Similar regulations were also adopted in Ingushetia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria and Chechnya. However, none of these legislative acts contain specific mention of the characteristics of Wahhabism.

Three months after the liberation of Dagestan, on December 19, 1999, the next elections of State Duma deputies were held in Russia. The Unity party, supported by Vladimir Putin, took second place (23% of the votes), only slightly behind the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (24%). On December 31, 1999, President Yeltsin left office early. On March 26, 2000, in the presidential elections, Vladimir Putin won the first round.

The last president of Ichkeria, Doku Umarov, in 2007 announced the creation of the Islamic state “Caucasus Emirate” in the North Caucasus. Dagestan and Chechnya were included in the components of this self-proclaimed entity. In Russia and the United States, the Caucasus Emirate organization is recognized as terrorist.

The counter-terrorism operation (CTO) in Chechnya continued in its active phase until the summer of 2000. The pro-Russian administration created in the republic was headed by Akhmat Kadyrov. The CTO regime was completely abolished in Chechnya only in April 2009. In some settlements of Dagestan, the CTO regime is sometimes introduced to this day.

According to the results of a Levada Center poll conducted in 2004, 2007, 2009 and 2010, Russians mostly believe that the militant invasion of Dagestan in 1999 was made possible by those who wanted to “profit” from this war.

Dagestan militias sought the status of combat veterans in court. Thus, in 2013, the Kazbekovsky District Court granted the claim of nineteen residents of Dagestan who asked to recognize their status as combat veterans.

Such a bill was adopted only in 2019. On July 23, the draft amendments to the law on veterans were adopted by the State Duma, and on July 26 - by the Federation Council. The original draft law envisaged only non-material benefits, but during the discussion in the State Duma it was supplemented with provisions on material ones. On August 3, it was signed by the President of Russia.

Notes

  1. Kudryavtsev A.V. “Wahhabism”: problems of religious extremism in the North Caucasus // Central Asia and the Caucasus. - No. 9. - 2000.
  2. Shermatova S. So-called Wahhabis // Chechnya and Russia: societies and states. M.: Polinform-Talburi, 1999.
  3. Islamic revolution in Dagestan // Kommersant, 08/18/1998.
  4. Wahhabism // Caucasian Knot.
  5. News // RTR, 09/03/1998. (Quoted from: Cherkasov A. Tango over the abyss // Polit.ru, 09/07/2004.)
  6. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  7. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  8. Terrorist Organization Profile // National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, University of Maryland.
  9. Roshchin M. Fundamentalism in Dagestan and Chechnya // Otechestvennye zapiski, No. 5 (14), 2003.
  10. The mystery of the black Arab // Interlocutor, No. 40, 10/14/1999.
  11. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  12. ITAR-TASS, 08/09/1999.
  13. Program "Today" // NTV, 09.08.1999.
  14. During the period of the militant invasion, Gadzhi Makhachev was appointed special commissioner of the State Council and the government of the Republic of Dagestan for the Botlikh region. (Gadzhi Makhachev was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Republic of Dagestan. - RIA "Dagestan", 09/23/2013)
  15. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  16. Dagestan: who and when // Rossiyskaya Gazeta.
  17. A state of emergency has been introduced in Chechnya // ORT, 08/16/1999.
  18. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  19. Temporary press center of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in Dagestan, 1999.
  20. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  21. Homeland of War // Izvestia, 05.29.2003.
  22. Press center of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, 09/07/14.
  23. Dagestan: chronicle of the conflict // Independent Military Review, 09/18/1999.
  24. Press conference of representatives of the Memorial society: “The invasion of Dagestan and its consequences: humanitarian aspects”, 09/27/1999.
  25. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny // Kommersant Power, 02.08.2004.
  26. Thus, the planned content of the failed meeting was described in Nezavisimaya Gazeta. () Similar information was reported by the Kommersant newspaper. (The Chechen “peaceful landing” in Dagestan was met fully armed // Kommersant, 09/30/1999.) Lenta.ru outlined the expected agenda for the negotiations in a slightly different form. According to materials from Lenta.ru, at the meeting three questions were supposed to be raised with Maskhadov: "1. Recognition of the fact of aggression from Chechnya; 2. Extradition of the bandits, regardless of their nationality - Chechen or Dagestan; 3. Joint measures to ensure the security of the administrative border." (The meeting of the leaders of Dagestan and Chechnya failed // Lenta.ru, 09.29.1999.)
  27. Magomedov did not meet with Maskhadov // Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 09.30.1999.
  28. Magomedov did not meet with Maskhadov // Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 09.30.1999.
  29. The meeting of the leaders of Dagestan and Chechnya failed // Lenta.ru, 09.29.1999.
  30. Magomedov did not meet with Maskhadov // Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 09.30.1999.
  31. Magomedov did not meet with Maskhadov // Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 09.30.1999.
  32. “Magomedali Magomedovich cannot remove me” // “Kommersant Power”, 08/30/2004.
  33. Chronicle of terror // Website of the Human Rights Center "Memorial".
  34. Newsletter No. 28. The war in Chechnya and its echo. Chronicle of Terror // Website "HRC Memorial".
  35. For the period August 2 – September 20, 1999 (Dagestan: chronicle of terror (1996-2014) // Caucasian Knot.)
  36. Data from the regional public organization "Union of Persons Participating in the Defense of the Constitutional System "Dagestan - 1999" (ROO "Dagestan-1999").
  37. Data from the General Staff of the Russian Defense Ministry. Losses in Dagestan and in the border zone for the period from August 2, 1999 to May 4, 2000. (Losses of Russian troops and militants in Chechnya // Kommersant Power, 05/10/2000.)
  38. From Dagestan to Moscow via Grozny. - "Kommersant Power", 02.08.2004.
  39. “Why did the invasion of Chechen militants into Dagestan in August 1999 become possible, which served as the beginning of the second “Chechen war”?” // Levada Center website.

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On Friday, August 20, attacks on police occurred in the capital of the Chechen Republic, Grozny, and in the city of Shali. In two cases, explosive devices were used, but one went wrong and large casualties were avoided. According to preliminary data, the attackers were teenagers. Four killed, one believed to be alive. The youngest was 11 years old.

In Chechnya on the morning of August 20, several armed men attacked police at three and possibly four different locations at almost the same time. Interfax reported three attacks with reference to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Investigative Committee, the fourth was reported by RIA Novosti and the Mash telegram channel, but it was not officially confirmed.

Attack in Shali

The first attack, approximately between 10:00 and 10:30 am Moscow time, took place in the town of Shali, 30 kilometers from the capital of Chechnya. Interfax, citing the press service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Chechnya, reported that two men armed with knives tried to enter the police department, but were shot dead.

Today, at about 10 o'clock, two unknown persons, armed with knives, tried to enter the territory of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Shalinsky district of the Chechen Republic and injured two police officers who were on duty. The attackers were destroyed by return fire.

According to preliminary data, one policeman was killed, three others and one woman were injured. Later the information changed. Another source in the Ministry of Internal Affairs told Interfax that there were no fatalities among the police.

Attack in the village of Mesker-Yurt

At about 10:30 in the village of Mesker-Yurt, Shali district (located on the road from Shali to Grozny), a man with a backpack containing an improvised explosive device blew himself up near a police checkpoint on the road. Apart from the bomber himself, no one was hurt; he was wounded, but survived.

The identity of the attacker has not been revealed. There is no information about his condition, nor about the targets of the attack.

Attack on the corner of Pervomaiskaya and Isaev

This information has not been officially confirmed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the Investigative Committee, but it was reported by the Mash telegram channel.

In Grozny, another shooting attack on police officers. One policeman was killed. The shootout took place at the intersection of Pervomaiskaya and Isaev streets.

In the morning in Grozny, at the intersection of Pervomaiskaya and Isaeva streets, there was a shooting and an attack on police officers, as a result of which one policeman died.

Later, the Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs denied information about the death. It is not known exactly what happened at the corner of Pervomaiskaya and Isaev.

Attack on a traffic police post in Grozny

The most serious incident happened in Grozny at the traffic police post at the entrance to the city. A used Mercedes 190 car hit three traffic police officers who tried to stop it, and an explosive device went off in the trunk of the car at that time.

The moment when the car tried to break into the city was caught on video from surveillance cameras. Here we drive past a traffic police post and there is an explosion. Behind the scenes, police officers watching the video report that, judging by the time code, the attack occurred around 10:30 am.

And here is the moment when a car, having hit the police, tries to escape. The chase begins after her.

Machine gun fire was opened on the car with the attackers. The car was stopped and the driver and passenger were killed. Propane cylinders were found in the cabin, but they did not detonate due to the explosion in the trunk. Sources in the Ministry of Internal Affairs said that if the cylinders had exploded, there could have been more casualties and destruction.

The second photo shows a gas cylinder. One of the law enforcement officers unwinds the wire stretched to him.

Who were the attackers?

Officially, five attackers were reported (this number does not include the alleged militants who attacked the police squad on the corner of Isaev and Pervomaiskaya streets). Four of them were killed, the bomber from Mesker-Yurt survived.

RIA Novosti, citing representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, reports that they were all teenagers. One of the attackers was 11 years old.

All the attackers were residents of the Shalinsky district: one was born in 2000, two were born in 2001, as well as those born in 2002 and 2006.

It is also reported that the two killed are siblings born in 2002 and 2006.

The head of the republic, Ramzan Kadyrov, who was on a pilgrimage at the time of the attacks, said that the goal of the attackers was to overshadow the Eid al-Adha holiday, Interfax reports. Officially, this year one of the main Muslim holidays will last from August 21 to 25.

Today, a group of young people attempted to commit high-profile crimes. There is no doubt that the goal was to darken the holiday, cause a great public outcry, and prevent the residents of Chechnya from holding events related to Kurban Bayram. The most important goal is to create the appearance of the presence of any forces capable of organizing armed actions and terrorist attacks.

Kadyrov called the attackers “teenagers with a fragile psyche.”

There is no doubt that young people have been brainwashed by various Iblis people on social networks. But the picture of the day indicates that they have no support, no social base in the republic.

Kadyrov calls adherents of the Islamic State, banned in Russia, “Iblis people.”

Who could be the organizer of the attacks?

According to the website of the public anti-terrorist organization SITE, with reference to the news agency of Islamic radicals Amaq, the Islamic State (an organization banned in the Russian Federation - note by Medialeaks) took responsibility for the attacks on police officers in Chechnya. At the same time, the message mentions three attacks (Shali, Mesker-Yurt, traffic police post in Grozny).

The Daily Storm website, citing Chechen law enforcement agencies, names 18-year-old Magomed Musaev as the organizer of the attacks. Journalists reported that in 2016, Musaev was detained along with other members of a cell led by Imran Datsayev, associated with the Islamic State. The Daily Storm source claims that “Musayev was pitied because he was young and was not brought to justice.” In 2016 he was 16 years old.

Last April, 17-year-old Anton Konev. Two people were killed, one was seriously wounded, the attacker himself, who had previously shot an instructor at a shooting range in order to take possession of a weapon, died in the shootout. It turned out that he held radical right-wing views.

Terrorist attacks and attacks on police and civilians generate controversial reactions on social media. Every time disputes arise: . Disputes on this topic were especially heated after the terrorist attack in the St. Petersburg metro, when many reproached each other for the wrong choice of words and the desire to use the tragedy for political purposes.