Criminal regime. Chechnya. Russian strategy "Maybe the Russians weren't shouting loud enough?"

Criminal regime. Chechnya, 1991-1995
Facts, documents, evidence
Criminal regime. Chechnya. 1991-1995
M, ed. "Code", Joint edition of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, 1995, 96 p.
ISBN 5-85024-016-0

This collection contains factual materials presented by the Public Relations Centers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, FSK, as well as the Directorate of Information and Press of the Ministry of Defense of Russia, documents, letters and testimonies of citizens, reports from various media about the crisis in Chechnya of 1991-1995, which give an idea of ​​the criminal , the anti-people regime that developed in the Chechen Republic during the reign of Dudayev.

Zone of "free chaos"
Slaves of the 20th century
The fanaticism and deceit of Dudayev's fanatics
Apologists for the criminal regime
Chechen tragedy: points of view, views, assessments

WHIP TO ONE, GOOK TO OTHERS

Under conditions of authoritarian power and the virtual inaction of newly created law enforcement agencies, an extremely tense crime situation has developed in the republic. Bandit groups committed murders, robberies, assaults, and extortion became significantly more active. The abduction of children and young women with subsequent transportation to foreign countries in exchange for currency has become widespread. In connection with this, the number of missing citizens has sharply increased. In 1992, the number of registered crimes increased by 60%, for the most serious ones - by almost 100%, the detection rate was only 25%. For many of them, criminal cases were not initiated. For example, no investigation was carried out into the murders with particular cruelty of the former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic A. A. Makarenko, the vice-rector of the local university Bisliev, or the kidnapping of Kan-Kalik, a professor at the same university, whose body was discovered three months later.
Criminals of other nationalities who committed terrorist attacks in the North Caucasus and other regions of the country, incl. related to the taking of hostages and aircraft. On March 27, 1992, an armed group of Adygeis captured police officers and a team of workers from the Ministry of Water Affairs, putting forward demands for the release from custody of accomplices arrested in Armavir, and for the provision of an airplane and crew to fly to Turkey. Later they found refuge in Chechnya, where they did not suffer any punishment and were free.
In actions taken to strengthen Dudayev's power and suppress opposition forces, people died. On March 29, 1992, during the seizure of the television center building by guards, two people were killed, incl. clergyman Yusup-Mullah, six were arrested, one of whom subsequently died from beatings. At the same time, when militants using tanks and armored personnel carriers tried to seize the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB, police sergeant Chinaev received two bullet wounds. On June 6, 1993, during the storming of the police department by Dudayev’s units, six people were killed (7 more corpses were later discovered), over 160 were injured of varying degrees of severity. On the same day, militants identified those wounded during the clashes in hospitals and shot them on the spot. Thus, 15 people died or were killed in the hospital. The President of the Chechen Republic again regarded the events that took place as the machinations of the Russian special services. Official propaganda continued to propagate the myth of the Russian threat.
A rapid increase in crime was observed in Chechnya in 1994 as well. A large number of color laser printers were imported from Turkey and a number of Asian countries and were used to counterfeit banknotes, mostly in denominations of 50 thousand rubles. Robbery attacks on railway trains continued unabated. On August 20, on the Gudermes - Kadi-Yurt stretch, freight train No. 2008 was raided, accompanied by 20 military personnel. The attackers (800 people), armed with machine guns, inflicted bodily injuries on 6 guards and plundered 15 carriages. A similar incident was recorded the next day at the Kadi-Yurt station, where 3 military personnel were injured and 23 cars were stolen.

DISCRIMINATION

From the very beginning of his reign, Dudayev took a course towards discrimination against the foreign-speaking population. He issued a number of regulations that infringe on the rights of citizens. One of the decrees provided for their mandatory re-registration before January 10, 1992. All those arriving in Chechnya were obliged to register within 2 days, otherwise they were declared terrorists. Crime against Russian-speaking people was actually elevated to the level of state policy.
An extremely sharp drop in living standards, legal chaos, extremely aggravated interethnic contradictions, artificially fueled by nationalist-minded politicians, the prevailing atmosphere of fear for one’s life and loved ones - these factors determined spontaneous, uncontrollable migration processes. In 1992, VTsIOM conducted a survey of the migration plans of Russians in a number of union and autonomous republics of Russia, and it turned out that the share of those wishing to leave independent Chechnya was higher than in any other part of the former USSR. 37 percent of the Russian-speaking population were planning to leave Chechnya, i.e. even more than from civil war-torn Tajikistan.
A stream of refugees poured into neighboring regions. A survey of 447 of them who traveled to the Krasnodar and Stavropol territories revealed massive targeted actions to oust Russians from Chechnya. From 1992 to March 1993 alone, 12 murders, 9 attempted rapes, 2 house explosions, 44 robberies and assaults, as well as grievous bodily harm - 16 cases, death threats, extortion - 60, threats against this category of citizens were committed against this category of citizens. life and health of children - 43, creation of unbearable living conditions - 113. Grozny became hell for the Russians.
Here are examples of torture of Russians only in the city of Grozny:
- On October 1, 1992, as a result of the explosion of a planted explosive device near Kupchin’s house, his daughter Valentina was killed, the owner himself and his neighbor received shrapnel wounds;
- Polupanov’s house was constantly attacked, including with the use of firearms, in order to force him to leave Chechnya. After his son Oleg was killed on December 16, 1992, the family left the territory of the republic;
- in December of the same year, Temerzyants M.V. was killed. The police demanded a large sum of money from the victim's mother for conducting the investigation. Since there was no such person, she was asked to remain silent about what happened, threatening her with violence;
- in January 1992, 6 Chechens broke into Viktor Rezin’s apartment, severely beat him, raped his wife Tatyana, after which they took away everything valuable and disappeared;
- in March, three Chechens forced local university student T.A. Kordasheva into a car and tried to rape her;
- Ella Bogatova, who contacted the police after being beaten by a group of teenagers, was offered to have sexual intercourse in exchange for accepting the application;
- they tried to rape V.S. Cherkeshina’s daughter, a 9th grade student, near her house;
- in October, a hand grenade was thrown into the window of Vasily Tipikin’s house; as a result of the injuries he received, he was treated for several months;
- The bandits threw a grenade at V. I. Chernov’s feet, as a result of which he became disabled;
- S.V. Velichko and N.P. Petrov were brutally beaten for no reason. and many others;
- assaults and robberies were committed by persons of Chechen nationality against Erokhina I.G., Atuzova E.A., Eremenko L.G., Chernyshev V.V. and others;
- Kopylova V.P., Yasinskaya Yu.I., Minaev V.G., Tunitsyn Yu.M. (village Maysky), Belyakova M.V. (village Kalinovskaya, Naursky district), etc. were subjected to extortion in order to take possession of apartments .d.
According to the victims, Russians were beaten right on the streets, threatened with firearms and knives. One of the common forms of extortion on the part of the criminal element was the threat of kidnapping or killing children. In order to take possession of housing, they threw grenades through the windows, set houses on fire, forced the owners out onto the street, and used other measures of physical force against them.
A former resident of Grozny, Tatyana Borisovna Galicheva, testifies: ...At school, our children were oppressed by children of Chechen nationality, constantly beaten, and intimidated with knives. My family was robbed three times. Although there was nothing left to take, they still committed outrages. Even the ashes of the dead are not given rest. Monuments to Russian people were smashed and shot at the cemetery. Local youths walked around the city unhindered, started fights with Russians, beat them...
My great-grandfather served in the Grozny fortress and received a plot of land there. My grandfather had a medal "For the Defense of the Caucasus". And now my children and I are outcasts. Is there really no place and protection for Russian people?
These Russian people are lucky. They managed to escape from Chechnya and move to relatives in Russia. What if a person lived here all his life and in fact this land became his homeland? There are also those who simply have nowhere and nothing to go to. For these Russian-speaking people, life in Dudayev’s Chechnya became unbearable.
Previously convicted Jafarov Said Akhmed, together with three of his acquaintances, committed the rape of Irina Tsybina, living on the street. Dzerzhinsky, 2, room. 23. In the fall of 1994, they inflicted a gunshot wound on Marina Tsybina, born in 1962. (limb injury). Jafarov and his accomplices are armed and live in a house on the street. K. Marx opposite the club.
A Chechen named Dzhambulat, under threat of physical violence, took possession of the apartment of gr. Nechaeva Valentina, an employee of the compressor shop of the flour mill, living in a house on the street. Gagarin in apt. 9.
Fedorov Yuri Mikhailovich, living in the Ivanova MRK (Gazgorodok 11, apt. 1) on November 9, 1992, was attacked by a group of people of Chechen nationality, who inflicted serious bodily injuries on him and took possession of his VAZ 21013 car, license plate G 1213 CHI, red. . The criminals also took documents for Fedorov’s car and personal savings.
In October - November 1994, Belotserkovskaya Zoya Kuzminichna, living on the street. Derbentskaya, 56, the Chechens took the house.
In 1992, on Burovaya Street, in house 77/79, the owners, who had previously worked in oil fields, were killed. Only the blind father of the owner of the house survived; it is believed that the neighbors committed the crime.
In 1993, a woman named Emma (Armenian by nationality) had her husband kidnapped and demanded a ransom of 20 million rubles. After paying 10 million rubles, the husband was released.
On the street Dyakova, 76, apt. 24-27 (2nd floor) lives a Chechen named Ruslan. I occupied the apartment illegally under threat of violence. The owners were beaten. A Russian woman was forced to sign the sales contract.
Bukhalin A.S., living on the street. Orenburgskaya, 10, apt. 32, reported that in the summer of 1994 in Grozny, his sister, A.S. Dzhanbekova, had her husband killed with shots from a stationary car.
In 1992, a council of elders was created in the village of Aldy, the decisions of which are binding on all residents of Chechen nationality. One of the leaders of the council is Umar Khakilov, who lives on the street. Orenburgskaya, 10, bought several apartments in different areas of Grozny. Engaged in robbery and oppression of the Russian-speaking population. He gives the loot and things from Russian apartments to his family teip.
The article “Neighbors warned that we need to leave”, published in the weekly “Russia” No. 45-50 for December 21-27, 1994, reported illegal actions against children of boarding school No. 2 in Grozny, located in the Olimpiysky microdistrict. . During a survey of residents of the microdistrict, it was established that, with the connivance of the director, boarding school students were used to make videos and porn films. The service personnel were selected from previously convicted drug addicts. Thus, one of the teachers used her pupil, Seroglazova Irina, 12 years old, for photography, and also as a “spotter” to commit robberies in apartments.
On May 14, 1994, in Grozny, two Chechens in a Mercedes car, license plate 88-88 MT, raped citizen Olga Nikolaevna Ledyaeva, born in 1949.
Smirnov Sergey Grigorievich, born in 1953, who had been wanted since 1992, lived with Dzhantaev’s father Supyan in the village of Sernovodsk. He herded his horses for food, but was subjected to beatings and death threats for disobedience. According to Smirnov, Dzhantaev had another farmhand named Yura. This Yura was killed in the Achkhoy Mortan area because he ran away from Dzhantaev. In mid-summer 1994, he was caught, cut from throat to crotch, and hanged from bushes near the road.
Resident of Grozny Abzatov Ibragim, living on the street. Busnaya, 64, according to refugees, took part in the execution of Russians in the city.
Nikolay Khakimov worked as the head of the IDN in the village police department in the village of Chernorechye. He has 6 brothers, all of them mocked the Russians, took away their apartments, and set off bandits.
Citizen Belov Nikolai Nikolaevich, born in 1939, living in the Tver region, was fraudulently brought to the village of Shaloziya in the Urus-Martan region of Chechnya in 1990, where he was a farm laborer for Chechen brothers named Khusein and Ruskan. The latter forced him to work, beat him, and sold him to others. Belov tried to escape, but he was caught, beaten and forced to work again.
Citizen Rominets, living in Grozny, st. Pervomaiskaya, 10, apt. 8, Chechen militants entered the apartment and killed my father in front of my eyes.
A resident of the city of Argun, Jafarov Said Akhmed, who has been repeatedly convicted of various crimes, commits robberies and rapes women. Terrorizes the Russian-speaking population in Argun and nearby settlements. One of his victims was citizen Mizyak Lidia Aleksandrovna, living in the city of Argun, st. Gudermesskaya, 97, apt. 11., after Mizyak reported the incident to the prosecutor's office of Argun, Jafarov began looking for her with the aim of killing her. She is forced to hide.
In the period 1992 - 1994 in Grozny, Chechens, under the threat of violence, bought apartments and entire frail neighborhoods from Russians for next to nothing. Almost half of the 142 apartments in building 131 on Bohdan Khmelnitsky Street have been bought up.
According to the minor Dakhshukaeva Madina Osmanovna, living in boarding school No. 8 in Grozny, she was raped by Chechen men who came to the boarding school in a VAZ-2108 car. In addition to her, 9 girls aged 13-15 and 7 boys were also raped.

13397

Ten days that canceled the world

In chapter

Pavel Grachev ordered to transfer to Dudayev half of all the weapons of the Russian army available on the territory of Chechnya. 2.5 years later, these same weapons fired at Russian soldiers... This terrible war might not have happened. The fate of Chechnya, and with it the entire country, was decided by a few autumn days in 1991, when the Russian government for the first time tried to solve the problem of Chechen separatism.

According to experts, it was then that Russia missed a historic chance to neutralize the Dudayev regime, limiting itself to a local special operation. The chain of events that led to the outbreak of the bloodiest interethnic conflict in the history of our state restored ANATOLY TSYGANOK, candidate of military sciences, professor, in November 1991 he worked as an employee of the task force for introducing a state of emergency in the Chechen-Ingush Republic (CHIR) under the vice-president of the RSFSR.

The leader of the Chechen separatists, retired aviation major general Dzhokhar Dudayev, issued a decree “On declaring the sovereignty of the Chechen Republic.” The events that preceded this completely fit into the framework of a classic coup d'etat.

On June 8, 1991, on the initiative of Dudayev, part of the delegates of the First Chechen National Congress gathered in Grozny, which proclaimed itself the National Congress of the Chechen People (NCCHN). Following this, the Chechen Republic of Nokhchi-cho was proclaimed, and the leaders of the Supreme Council of the republic were declared usurpers. At this congress, Dudayev was approved as chairman of the executive committee of Nokhchi-cho.

On September 6, Dudayev announced the dissolution of the republican power structures and accused Russia of pursuing a colonial policy towards Chechnya. On the same day, Chechen guards occupied the building of the television center and the Radio House, and stormed the parliament, where a meeting of the Supreme Council was taking place. More than 40 parliament members were beaten, and the chairman of the Grozny City Council Kutsenko was thrown out of a window by the separatists. On September 14, I flew to the capital of Chechnya. O. Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov. Under his leadership, the last session of the Supreme Council of the Republic was held, at which the deputies decided to dismiss the “putschist” Zavgaev from the post of chairman of the Supreme Council and to dissolve the parliament.

The political initiative passed to OKChN. Soon the executive committee of this organization took over the functions of the revolutionary committee “for the transition period with full power.” On October 27, 1991, under the control of supporters of the executive committee, elections for the President and Parliament of the Chechen Republic were held. 412,671 people, or 90.1% of Chechen residents, voted for Dudayev. Immediately after this, units of the Republican National Guard were put on alert, and all ethnic Chechens were recalled from the Soviet army. The Republic was preparing for war.

The Extraordinary V Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, after complex procedures, elected Ruslan Khasbulatov as Chairman of the Supreme Council. On the same day, the congress adopted a special resolution: “To recognize the elections to the highest body of state power (the Supreme Council) and the President of the Republic held in the Chechen-Ingush Republic on October 27, 1991 as illegal, and the acts adopted by them as not subject to execution.”

The representative of the President of the RSFSR in the Chechen Republic, Arsanov, asked for assistance to the population of the republic in restoring the constitutional order. At the same time, according to the plenipotentiary, it was necessary to take the measures provided for by law no later than 00:00 on November 8, 1991. The organizing committee under Vice President Alexander Rutskoy, who shortly before had held a series of negotiations with Dzhokhar Dudayev, was entrusted with monitoring the situation in the Chechen-Ingush Republic.

President Yeltsin signed decree No. 178 “On the introduction of a state of emergency in the Chechen-Ingush Republic.” By this time, the organizing committee employees were working in shifts in the offices of the vice-president's secretariat, located in the right wing of the 4th floor of the House of Soviets of the RSFSR. There, a list of measures was developed to introduce a state of emergency on the territory of the republic.

From 4.00 to 6.20 on November 7, a meeting of the leadership of the RSFSR was held in the House of Soviets, at which General Komissarov refused to implement the presidential decree as “unjustified in terms of the power component.” According to the military, in the current situation it was necessary to reach a compromise with respected people in the republic.

After the publication of the presidential decree introducing a state of emergency, the situation in the republic sharply worsened. Dudayev’s supporters took active action: they surrounded and blocked the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB of the republic in Grozny and the military camp of the Internal Troops regiment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The seizure of buildings of law enforcement ministries and departments began, a massive defection of military personnel and personnel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Checheno-Ingushetia to the side of the separatists, blocking of military camps of the USSR Ministry of Defense, railway and air hubs.

By order of the President of the RSFSR, the first units of internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR with a total number of 1,200 people were sent to the North Caucasus region to ensure a state of emergency. Concentrating on the airfield, they waited for departure for 8 hours, but representatives of the allied security forces defiantly did not interfere. Before departure, it turned out that there were no military transport aircraft to transport military equipment. The commander of the Moscow special division refused to send people without heavy weapons, for which he was removed from his post. Instead, his deputy, Colonel Kalyuzhny, became the temporary commander of the division directly in Chechnya. It is obvious that the attempt to introduce a state of emergency without a force component was doomed to failure from the very beginning.

The organizing committee prepared proposals from the Vice-President of the RSFSR on the procedure for introducing a state of emergency in Checheno-Ingushetia. It was proposed to introduce troops totaling up to 30 thousand people into the territory of the republic within 2 months - under the guise of withdrawing troops from Germany or conducting exercises. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR received the report with skepticism. The deputies succumbed to pressure from Ruslan Khasbulatov, who told Rutskoi literally the following: “Alexander, your military does not understand the political situation, we simply do not have these 2 months. They report to me that the KGB building is surrounded by cars with gasoline. There are women behind the wheel, ready to ram our guys. Therefore, we are introducing a state of emergency immediately.” As a result, Presidential Decree No. 178 came into force on the same day.

At 17.40 a report from General Komissarov was received: “We are blocked in the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the CIR. Surrounded by a crowd of approximately 4,000 people, fuel tankers stand opposite. I’m negotiating with the elders.” In the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs there were a handful of special forces (about 50 people), a dozen criminal investigation officers and the same number of conscripts. By this time, the runway at Grozny airport was already blocked by heavy dump trucks, and barricades were erected on city roads. The Russian contingent of internal troops, landed without equipment at the military airfield in Khankala, was surrounded by Chechen guards. Robberies of trains, robbery and reprisals against representatives of the “non-indigenous” population began.

On the evening of November 9, Rutskoy signed an order to allocate an operational group from the organizing committee for the creation of the Russian Guard. Allied security forces were not involved in the work: Mikhail Gorbachev and the subordinate structures of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB of the USSR flatly refused to support the action of the Russian leadership. The President of the USSR himself, according to Ruslan Khasbulatov, directly said: “At one time, you did not allow me to introduce a state of emergency in Lithuania. Here's your answer."

Based on an analysis of the situation, the staff of the operational group stated that the implementation of the measures under the decree of the President of the RSFSR was disrupted by ill-conceived planning, the lack of the necessary military grouping, and the transfer of equipment separately from the personnel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (the personnel were unloaded in Beslan, and the equipment was unloaded in Mozdok). The persons who disrupted the implementation of the plan were named: the head of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, Barannikov, and. O. commander of internal troops Kulikov, deputy commander of OMSDON Kalyuzhny. Ruslan Khasbulatov, who refused negotiations, and the generals who insisted on sending troops as soon as possible did not consider themselves guilty.

At 10.45, the withdrawal of Interior Ministry troops from Grozny began. The Dudayev regime actually declared war on Russia. At the end of 1991 and the beginning of 1992, attacks on military camps of the Soviet army began in various parts of the self-proclaimed republic, accompanied by the seizure of weapons and ammunition. Warehouses with weapons and ammunition were taken under protection by the National Guardsmen. In June 1992, the newly appointed Russian Defense Minister Pavel Grachev ordered half of all Russian army weapons in Chechnya to be transferred to Dudayev. According to Grachev, this was a forced step: the ammunition was still actually at the disposal of the militants, and besides, it was not possible to remove it due to the lack of trains and military personnel. 2.5 years later, these same weapons fired at Russian soldiers...

p.s. The first assault on Grozny failed without a fight

...In November 1991, the elite Vityaz detachment left “sovereign” Chechnya without firing shots. The operation, which 10 years later would be called the first assault on Grozny, ended in nothing. The task assigned to the special forces could hardly be called combat: “Fly to Chechnya, land, and by morning a presidential decree introducing a state of emergency will be announced.” After 3 days of confrontation between the Moscow special forces and Dudayev’s guards at the airfield and at the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, another order was received: to return to Moscow. The “knights” will find themselves on Chechen soil again in a few years - during the assault on the Dudayevites’ fortifications in Grozny. But it will no longer be possible to call it a special operation.

I. Political situation

Weapons:

Tanks (T-64) - 32

Guns and mortars - 88

Anti-aircraft weapons - 371

On this topic

conclusions

Team leader G. Yankovic, duty shift supervisor A. Tsyganok

Barannikov, Ponomarev and Kulikov disrupted the implementation of the presidential decree

Military operational reports from “Dudaev’s” Chechnya resemble the chronicle of a panicked retreating army. Russia quickly left the Caucasus, abandoning thousands of its Russian-speaking citizens to the mercy of fate. At the same time, the rebellious republic quickly turned into a blank spot on the information field: since 1991, accurate data on the state of affairs there could only be gleaned from reports of all-knowing intelligence services. The editors have received an interesting document - an operational summary as of 7.00 on November 10, 1991. Below we present it with spelling and punctuation preserved. Unfortunately, it follows from the text that from the very beginning of the first Chechen campaign, the actions of domestic security forces, to put it mildly, were not distinguished by coherence and thoughtfulness.

I. Political situation

From 5.00 9.1191, by Decree of the President of the RSFSR, a state of emergency was introduced on the territory of the Chechen-Ingush Republic (Checheno-Ingush Republic - Ed.). After the announcement of a state of emergency at 20.00 on 8.11 on radio and television, the situation in the Chechen Republic sharply worsened.

To ensure the state of emergency, units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR with a total number of about 1.2 thousand people were sent to the North Caucasus region. The agitation and propaganda activities of Dudayev’s supporters have intensified, which resonates with the population of the Chechen Republic and neighboring republics. According to available data, a general confrontation between the peoples of the North Caucasus and “Russian totalitarianism” is emerging.

In the first half of the day in Grozny, military personnel units were disarmed (33 carbines and 1,500 rounds of ammunition were seized). About 500 items were confiscated from the KGB ChIR building. automatic weapons, incl. grenade launchers. Mass transitions of personnel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic to Dudayev’s side began. Large groups of people from the districts arrived in the city with weapons. Crowds of people and cars with loud-speaking installations moved through the streets, calls were made to take up arms and defend the republic. At the Ministry of Internal Affairs building, weapons were distributed and combat groups were calculated, and preparations were being made for its capture. A rally of up to 100 thousand people took place on the central square at 12.00.

In the afternoon, events were held for the inauguration of D. Dudayev, who was elected President of the Chechen Republic. They were accompanied by demonstrations that ended with shooting in the air. After this, the situation in the city calmed down somewhat. The building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chir was unblocked, from which the personnel guarding it were withdrawn (about 50 people from the special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs remained for security). The blockade of military units and garrisons of the USSR Ministry of Defense continued.

On the morning of November 9, Komissarov, Orlov, Gafarov, Ibragimov, Asemerzaev were unable to carry out the order of Stepanov, Ivanenko, Dudayev to vacate the KGB building and other objects.

OMSDON with the attached battalion SM4M (Vladikavkaz), due to the lack of instructions from the USSR Minister of Internal Affairs Barannikov and acting. commander of the VV Ponomarev, blocked in the area of ​​the Vladikavkaz airport. The deputy commander of OMSDON left the assigned group and was at night on 9.II in Vladikavkaz, at the location of the Ministry of Internal Affairs school.

On November 9, at about 1 p.m., on board a Tu-154 plane flying from Minvody to Yekaterinburg with 171 passengers on board, 3 criminals armed with grenades, threatening to explode, demanded to land in Turkey. After a short stay at Ankara airport, they demanded to land in the city of Grozny, where they arrived at 23.15. Having released the passengers, they left the crew as hostages. By their actions they tried to attract the attention of the world community to the events taking place in the Chechen-Ingush Republic. Passengers were delivered to Yekaterinburg by the morning of 10.11.

By 7.00 on 10.11 the situation in ChIR had not returned to normal. Population mobilization continues.

2. The state and actions of the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense of the USSR.

The 173rd district training center (3 motorized rifle, tank, artillery, anti-aircraft artillery regiments) is stationed in Grozny.

Military personnel - 4382 people

Weapons:

Tanks (T-64) - 32

Guns and mortars - 88

Anti-tank weapons - 158

Anti-aircraft weapons - 371

At Khankala airport, 99 aircraft of the L-39 type (sport aircraft, Czech production) of the 382 training aviation regiment are based. Military personnel and members of their families (about 12,000 people) live in four military camps, blocked by militants. The personnel of military units are put under moral pressure by threats against their family members.

Units and subdivisions of OMSDON and attached forces stand in a marching column in the area of ​​the Vladikavkaz airport and are waiting for the order of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR. 495 people from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and military personnel sent to Grozny were blocked at the Khankala airport in Grozny by two tractor-trailers of militants armed with automatic weapons.

Another 420 employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, of which 150 military personnel from the Ministry of Internal Affairs building were delivered to the airport on the evening of November 9, 1991.

Dudayev's supporters promised at 7 am on 11.11. this year give buses and take them to Beslan airport in Vladikavkaz.

There are 1,018 VV personnel at Beslan airport. With them are 19 armored personnel carriers, 41 trucks, 8 passenger cars, 6 command and staff radio stations, 9 logistics vehicles

On November 8, by 16.00 the following railway stations were blocked: Shchelkovskaya, Kyzyl-Yurt, Ishcherskaya, Nazran (the railway tracks at the Ishcherskaya and Nazran stations were dismantled), 5 passenger trains from Baku and Moscow and 2 local trains; Khankala Airport in Grozny; the city center and the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the city of Grozny, bridges, roads in the direction of the SO ASSR, military camps of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense of the USSR.

Railway communications to Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia have been completely interrupted. 5 passenger trains and 2 local trains were blocked.

At the station The paths have been dismantled in Nazran. The runway at Grozny airport is blocked by heavy dump trucks. Barricades have been erected on highways in Grozny, and passing vehicles are subject to inspection.

There are airports: Nalchik, Mineralnye Vody, Vladikavkaz, Makhachkala, Maykop, Mozdok.

Currently, the ministries of transport, aviation, marine fleet, river fleet are working on the issue of providing the regions of Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan with the necessary vehicles and transporting goods across the Caspian Sea.

conclusions

The implementation of measures according to the Decree of the President of the RSFSR was disrupted by ill-conceived planning for the transfer of equipment separately from the personnel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs troops. As a result, the personnel were unloaded in Beslan, and the equipment was unloaded in Mozdok. The main persons who disrupted the implementation of the plan: Barannikov - USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ponomarev - USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, IO duties of Com.VV, Kulikov - Deputy Minister of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, deputy commander of the Kalyuzhny OMSDOM...

Team leader G. Yankovic, duty shift supervisor A. Tsyganok

Boris Ignatiev

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Khrushchev would have had a lot of things on his conscience - if he had a conscience. But we are interested in 1957 - when Khrushchev, neither more nor less, audited the results of World War II in the Caucasus. The mine was laid, the timer was ticking. Here are the memoirs of one of the many witnesses to the development of the history of “perestroika”:
- It so happened that I had many friends among the Chechens. I remembered that they were interested in purchasing automatic small arms already in the year 1988. They offered currency...
And in the Urus-Martan region, a zindan was set up in advance in every yard to hold the abducted. And in 1991 (actually, a couple of years earlier) the mine exploded. Having devoured the CPSU from within, the satanic order, consisting of hardened intriguers and conspirators, begins a feast of bloody sacrifices. The beast people in the Caucasus turned out to be very useful for the new Kremlin...
The Chechen separatists were given OTR launchers, hundreds of UTSL and TTS, several aircraft (the Chechens converted them into light attack aircraft), including three MiG-17 fighters and two MiG-15 fighters, six An-2 aircraft and two Mi-8 helicopters.
The Chechens received from the “democratic Kremlin”, as part of the policy of “swallowing sovereignty,” 117 R-23 and R-24 aircraft missiles, 126 R-60; tens of thousands of GSh-23 aerial shells, 42 T-62 and T-72 tanks, 34 BMP-1 and-2, 30 BTR-70 and BRDM, 44 MT-LB, 942 army vehicles. The Chechens were given 18 Grad MLRS and more than 1,000 shells for them, 139 artillery systems, including 30 122-mm D-ZO howitzers and 24 thousand shells for them; as well as self-propelled guns 2S1i2SZ; anti-tank guns MT-12. Dudayev also received five air defense systems, 25 missile launchers of various types, 88 MANPADS; 105 pcs. S-75 missile defense system, 590 anti-tank weapons, including two Konkurs ATGMs, 24 Fagot ATGM systems, 51 Metis ATGM systems, 113 RPG-7 systems. What can we say about such nonsense as 50 thousand small arms, or 150 thousand military grenades!
Chechnya was supplied with 27 wagons with ammunition and 1,620 tons of fuels and lubricants. The separatists received about 10 thousand sets of clothing from the former Soviet army, 72 tons of food, 90 tons of army medical equipment. This is such generosity - especially striking against the backdrop of the fact that the Armenians in Karabakh were left NOTHING for self-defense! That is, they managed to get everything out and take it away, but here they didn’t have time...
Chechnya, well armed with the Kremlin playing giveaway with it, became the only subject of the Russian Federation that did not agree to sign any version of a federal treaty at all.
In fact, the conflict between the Chechen leadership and Moscow arose back in 1991, but it did not consist of differences regarding the fate of the Russian and Russian-speaking population of Chechnya. Yeltsin wanted only one thing - for Dudayev to recognize his vassalage to him personally, Yeltsin, so that Dudayev, roughly speaking, would admit that he was burning and killing according to the “Yeltsin truth,” after which Dudayev could do whatever and as much as he wanted. However, the proud Dzhokhar did not give Yeltsin even a symbolic clue to “save face”...
As for the fate of the Russians and other peoples in Chechnya, Yeltsin was not at all worried about it. Maybe, on the contrary, she worried me - but not at all like we were. Yeltsin seemed to be pushing and inciting Dudayev to commit genocide, and provoked the Chechen beast people to commit genocide. For example, in 1991-1992, internal and federal troops were suddenly withdrawn from the Russian cities of Grozny and Gudermes, the Cossack villages of the Sunzhenskaya and Sredne-Nadterechnaya “lines”. Why was this done? Especially considering that the Chechens were armed to the teeth before this? Isn't this provoking a crime?
At that time, over 350 thousand residents of the northern half of Chechnya fell under genocide. When they say that Yeltsin “did not show the political will to truly restore order in Chechnya,” they are lying. Not only did he not restore order, he destroyed it with his own hands.
Sunzhensko-Grozny-Gudermes purge 1991-1994. led to the extermination or expulsion of more than a quarter of a million people, which is 70% of the then Slavic population of the former autonomy. About 90 thousand Russian women and children were raped. Up to 10% of “local infidels” were converted into “white slavery.” The number of those killed during this period is estimated by the commissions of I. Shafarevich and Art. Govorukhin about 40 thousand. Satanism manifested itself in Chechnya in the most open and direct way. According to eyewitnesses, during the genocide of Russians and Russian-speaking people, about 10 thousand young Russian children were killed, their necks were broken, and the “Ichkerian” authorities and “internal affairs” classified these dead as victims of “domestic trauma.”
“The form of genocide on the Sunzha was “theoretically justified” in 1990-1992. in a number of his articles in the Chechen language (in Grozny newspapers) Z. Yandarbiev. The “Ichkerian” “first president”, with his repeated public discussions on the topic of “wolves and sheep,” actively incited the Vainakhs to ethnic cleansing of the Slavs. M. Udugov (Chechen “Doctor Goebbels” - according to the same J. Dudayev), in the spirit of a football reporter, in his radio and television comments openly “applauded” the very process of reducing the Russian population in local Cossack (!) villages” (1) - writes a competent expert.
V. Nazarenko, a simple resident of Grozny, also testifies that the genocide was carried out by the Chechen authorities from above, that this was not some kind of initiative of unbridled criminals: “I lived in Grozny until November 1992. Dudayev condoned the fact that they openly attacked the Russians crimes were committed, and no Chechens were punished for this.”
The famous gymnast from Grozny, Olympic champion L. Turishcheva (who at one time moved to live in Kyiv) lost it in 1992-1993. any connection with his numerous Sunzha cousins ​​and second cousins ​​(2). There is no doubt that a significant part of these relatives of Lyudmila Ivanovna were physically destroyed or taken into “white slavery.”
The Department of Ethnic Problems of the Russian People testifies to the massive forced deprivation of many “Ichkerian” Slavs of housing stock on ethnic grounds during the period of Dudayev-Yandarbiev’s lawlessness (in 1991-1994). According to this government body, about 100 thousand apartments and houses were then seized by either teip or criminal Chechen “activists”. Moreover, almost exclusively (95%) among the Great Russians and Ukrainians who lived in the “Dudaev” sector of the former Chi ASSR! The rest was taken from local Armenians and Jews (3).
Cossack ataman Valery Khrabrykh testifies: “... the genocide of the Russian people in Chechnya” began in 1991, when Dzhokhar Dudayev came to power, and Russians began to be openly forced out of work with threats and violence and forced to leave their homes. During an exchange of views at a round table meeting in the Rosinformtsentr, figures were given according to which in Grozny alone in 1992, only according to the extremely underestimated official data of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the republic, 250 Russians were killed, another 300 people went missing. According to the chairman of the board of the Russian community of the Chechen Republic, Oleg Makoveev, from the early 90s to 1996, approximately 300 thousand Russian-speaking residents left Chechnya.”
Now a citizen of Israel, a Jew, Vitaly Eremenko, in his memoirs “A little about myself and the city of Grozny,” writes about it this way: “President Dudayev immediately released all criminals and murderers from prison - allegedly to protect the young republic of Ichkeria (from whom, it was not specified) . Attacks began on military units to seize weapons. Somehow these units were unable to defend themselves. And then Yeltsin withdrew military units from Grozny and Ichkeria. But at the same time, for some reason, all the weapons, including armored vehicles and aircraft, remained - allegedly at Dudayev’s request to Russia - in order to defend Ichkeria from external enemies - which ones, Yeltsin did not care... On the outskirts and in the center of the city, both at night and during the day, a cannonade began - roll calls of automatic and machine gun fire. Criminal international terror against the population (including Chechens) began. Robberies and murders on trains. Trains stopped running through Grozny, and then the airport was closed..."
The flow of terrible stories is incredibly wide; there is no way to bring them all, let alone in an article - in a big book. An entire people has been exterminated! Here are eyewitness accounts randomly snatched from the mass of evidence:
A. Kochedykova, a Grozny resident, recalls: “I left Grozny in February 1993 due to constant threats of action from armed Chechens and non-payment of pensions and wages. I left the apartment with all its furnishings, two cars, a cooperative garage and moved out with my husband. In February 1993, Chechens killed my neighbor, born in 1966, on the street. They pierced her head, broke her ribs, and raped her. War veteran Elena Ivanovna was also killed from the apartment nearby. In 1993, it became impossible to live there; people were killing all over the place. Cars were blown up right next to people. Russians began to be fired from their jobs without any reason. A man born in 1935 was killed in the apartment. He was stabbed nine times, his daughter was raped and killed right there in the kitchen.”
The head teacher at school No. 10, Klimova, and all members of her family were killed - her father, mother and two children. A 12-year-old girl was raped, they searched for her for three days, found her, but she lost her mind and became crazy. There are hundreds and thousands of such evidence of unbridled lawlessness, but all these crimes remained unpunished.
On the streets of cities they began to beat Russian youths, then kill them. In 1992, a new stage began - local Chechens began to forcibly evict those who were richer from their apartments. On the walls of the houses, the most popular was the mocking inscription: “Don’t buy apartments from Masha, they will still be ours.”
Here are just some randomly selected testimonies from an extensive collection of testimonies of forced migrants who fled Chechnya in the period from 1991-1995:
M. Khrapova, who lived in the city of Gudermes, told investigators: “In August 1992, our neighbor, R.S. Sargsyan, and his wife, Z.S. Sargsyan, were tortured and burned alive.” T. Alexandrova, from Grozny, recalled: “My daughter was returning home in the evening. The Chechens dragged her into a car, beat her, cut her and raped her. We were forced to leave Grozny." V. Minkoeva, born in 1978, reported: “In 1992, in Grozny, a neighboring school was attacked. The children (seventh grade) were taken hostage and held for 24 hours. The entire class and three teachers were gang raped. In 1993, my classmate M. was kidnapped. In the summer of 1993, on the railway platform. station, before my eyes, a man was shot by Chechens.” And here are the words of O. Kalchenko: “My employee, a 22-year-old girl, was raped and shot by the Chechens before my eyes on the street near our work.”
L. Gostinina writes: “Russians were humiliated in every way. In particular, in Grozny, near the Printing House there was a poster: “Russians, don’t leave, we need slaves” (4).
In their appeal to Russian President Boris Yeltsin, residents of the village of Assinovskaya, Sunzhensky district, wrote (5): “We, residents of the village of Assinovskaya, Sunzhensky district, are forced to turn to you to provide us with effective assistance in protecting our civil rights (...) there is lawlessness against Russians, in literally destruction, a repetition of the 1921 genocide. Currently, we have neither a nation nor a homeland, we are outcasts from our homes, although we and our ancestors have been living here for more than 200 years (...) Over the past two years, with the arrival of the Chechen police in the territory of Art. In Assinovskaya there is complete robbery, robbery, there is no public order, complete arbitrariness, anarchy, lack of control...”
Need I point out that the handling of dozens of blatant facts of direct bloody genocide has remained unanswered? But according to V. Doronina, “In Art. In Nizhnedeviuk (Assinovka) in an orphanage, armed Chechens raped all the girls and teachers.”
Probably, even the Huns did not know such ferocious savagery and monstrous cruelty, which was revealed - let’s be honest - by almost the ENTIRE Chechen ethnic group in 1991-1994. Mothers taught their own sons how best to rape their Slavic classmates. When Chechen women gave their daughters in marriage from Grozny or Gudermes to mountain villages, they gave Russian slaves to the groom’s relatives as “wedding gifts.” The Chechen “children” actively terrorized the Cossacks in the villages, throwing stones at them, not even allowing them to look outside. Imams - what a shame and disgrace! - despising the precepts of religion, they seized Orthodox churches and converted them into mosques!
It was precisely this “power” that the population of diasporas faced in 1991: Russians, Ukrainians, Armenians, Jews, etc. But before Dudayev in Grozny there were only about 17% Chechens (according to the 1989 census), and in the republic there were only about 43 %! (This refers, of course, to the data for the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic; the composition of the population was also diluted by the Ingush, twin brothers of the Chechens). In Grozny, during the years of tsarist and Soviet power, especially during the period of restoration of the oil industry in 1945-1956, a Russian, Slavic settler majority was formed, always traditionally protected by the Russian authorities. The Russians worked in Grozny (because the majority of Chechens are generally incapable of this).
According to the 1989 census, 1 million 270 thousand people lived in the Chechen-Ingush Republic. Of these, Chechens - 734 thousand, Ingush - 164 thousand, Russians - 294 thousand, Armenians - 15 thousand, Ukrainians 13 thousand, there were also numerous diasporas of Jews and Greeks. Assess the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe BEFORE any Chechen war...
Immediately after the self-liquidation of the Chechen-Ingush autonomy in 1991-1992. It was the Yeltsin government, and not Dudayev, that made it possible to divide the entire territory between two Vainakh ethnocratic regimes without taking into account the interests and rights of the indigenous Russian population of the steppe. This decision - to divide the Russian villages between the Chechen and Ingush authorities - was made by the eternally drunk Boris Yeltsin on the initiative of the then Presidential Advisor on National Affairs G. Starovoytova.
The genocide of Russians and Russian-speaking people in 1991-1994 is fully consistent with the spirit of the era. It was not a lonely or random phenomenon in world history - on the contrary, it fits into the pattern that the “world government” and satanic globalization have persistently imposed on humanity since the 80s of the twentieth century.
It is important to note that in parallel with the genocide of Russians in Chechnya, the forces of the same Western mercenaries carried out ethnic cleansing of Serbs in the Balkans from among local savages. 500 thousand Croatian and 200 thousand Bosnian Serbs were exterminated or expelled. Not long before that there was the genocide of Christians in Azerbaijan (better known as the Armenian genocide, although not only Armenians were killed, but also Russians!), and after that there was the genocide of Serbs in Kosovo. Thus, we have a kind of single genocidal belt in which mondialist forces rely on all kinds of mercenaries in the process of exterminating the Christian population.
Georgy Derlugyan, already quoted by us, for example, quite reasonably draws parallels between the genocide of Russians in Chechnya and the genocides in the process of “revolution and decolonization” of the French in Algeria and the Belgians in the Congo. Moreover, he notes that, in purely quantitative terms, perhaps more French and Belgians were killed than Russians in Chechnya...

***

But why are we talking about sad things all the time? Here is a fun fact, similar to an anecdote: the dissident Rostislav Polunov, who served time in Soviet times for condemning the deportation of Chechens, was forced to flee Chechen hospitality. As old man Fonvizin would say, “here are the worthy fruits of evil”...

Notes
(1) A.V. Abakumov “Cossack Stan” 07/19/2001 from R.Kh.
(2) See Mayevsky V. She dreamed of very high bars... // Mirror of the Week. - K, 1998, N 24, p. 19.
(3) Quote. according to the newspaper “Zavtra”, M., 1999, N 27, p. 2.
(4) “Russians! Don’t leave, we need slaves!” (Excerpts from the testimony of forced migrants who fled from Chechnya in the period from 1991-1995 // Chechnya.ru.
(5) Source - White Book of the Central Election Commission of the Federal Grid Company of the Russian Federation, 1995.

Printed in abbreviation

The year 1992 is a turning point for Chechnya - it was then that the Chi ASSR ceased to exist and a new Constitution was adopted, according to which this territory was proclaimed an independent secular state. The “Republic of Nokhchi-cho” was renamed into the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria the following year, 1993.
Thus, Chechnya became de facto independent, but not a single state in the world, including Russia, recognized it. However, this did not prevent the young republic from acquiring its own state symbols - a flag, coat of arms and anthem, as well as a government, parliament and secular courts. They were going to create a small armed force and start issuing their own currency - nahar. However, the idea of ​​a Chechen army remained at the stage of partisan detachments, and the Chechen leadership never got around to it. The ineffectiveness of the Chechen statehood was manifested not only in this. The economy was completely criminalized, criminal structures made business from hostage-taking, drug trafficking, oil theft, and the slave trade flourished in the republic.
Perhaps this, together with other factors, was the reason why opposition to the regime began to actively form already in 1993-1994 Dzhokhara Dudayeva. In December 1993, that is, exactly a year after the declaration of independence of Chechnya, the pro-Russian Provisional Council of the Chechen Republic appeared, declaring itself the only legitimate authority and setting as its goal the armed overthrow of Dudayev.
In those same years, ethnic cleansing was carried out in Chechnya by Dudayev’s authorities, which led to the exodus of the entire non-Chechen, primarily Russian, population from the republic.
“In Chechnya between 1991 and 1999, 80% of the civilian deaths were Russians. It was a real genocide,” said the then chairman of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs at a press conference in Strasbourg on March 30, 2000 Dmitry Rogozin.
In particular, already in 1995, in the village of Ishcherskaya, two burials with the remains of more than a hundred human bodies were opened and discovered. Experts were able to determine that the terrible find dates back to 1992. This was confirmed by local residents who said that since the spring of 1992, that is, even when the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic existed, there was a camp in which men from the villages of the Naur and Shelkovsky districts were placed. The Dudayevites, according to witnesses, considered these people dangerous for future statehood. Everyone who ended up in the “camp” disappeared - apparently, their remains were discovered in this place three years later. The same objects, according to the population, were in the villages of Chervlyonnaya, Shelkovsky district, and Petropavlovskaya, Grozny district. There were also mass graves there. “For assistance to federal forces,” with this wording in the village of Znamenskaya, in just one day, militants shot 40 people. The elders of the village of Ishcherskaya and the head of the Nadterechny district were shot with the same wording Labazanov. The Dudayevites called the cemeteries where those killed in the camps were buried “cattle burial grounds.”
All information about this reached the Parliamentary Commission for the Study of the Causes and Circumstances of the Crisis Situation in the Chechen Republic and was included in the investigation materials. According to the decision of the chamber, all information was to be transferred to the Prosecutor General's Office and also published. However, the then Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Ivan Petrovich Rybki n decided “not to create unnecessary interference in the process of peaceful settlement of the Chechen crisis” and forbade the results of the investigation to be made public.
To this day there is no exact list of those killed in these “camps”... The names of some of the “special” victims of genocide are known. As for those who left the Chechen Republic, then, according to information from the chairman of the standing commission of the Interparliamentary Assembly (IPA) of the CIS member states on defense and security issues Evgenia Zelenova, voiced in 2000, since 1992, more than 350 thousand ethnic Russians have left Chechnya. About 20 thousand more are missing. “We will still be surprised at the number of Russians who died on the territory of Chechnya,” Zelenov said.
Thus, he talks about the reasons that forced him to leave the republic V. Kobzarev, who lived in the Grozny region: “On November 7, 1991, three Chechens fired at my dacha with machine guns, I miraculously survived. In September 1992, armed Chechens demanded to vacate the apartment and threw a grenade. And I, fearing for my life and the lives of my relatives, was forced to leave Chechnya with my family.”
“I left because of harassment,” says V. Osipova, - Worked at a factory in Grozny. In 1991, armed Chechens came to the plant and forcibly drove the Russians out to vote. Then unbearable conditions were created for the Russians, general robberies began, garages were blown up and cars were taken away.”
It would be a mistake to assume that the events described are the result of the authorities’ inability to cope with rampant crime. Dzhokhar Dudayev personally participated in some gangster actions: “In Grozny, I worked as a nurse in children’s clinic No. 1,” says V. Komarova, - Totikova worked for us, Chechen militants came to her and shot the whole family at home. My whole life was in fear. One day, Dudayev and his militants ran into the clinic, where they pressed us against the walls. So he walked around the clinic and shouted that there was a Russian genocide here, because our building used to belong to the KGB. I was not paid my salary for 7 months, and in April 1993 I left.”
A. Fedyushkin, born in 1945, says: “In 1992, unknown persons armed with a pistol took away a car from my godfather, who lived in the village. Chervlennaya. In 1992 or 1993, two Chechens, armed with a pistol and a knife, tied up their wife (born in 1949) and eldest daughter (born in 1973), committed violent acts against them, took a TV, a gas stove and disappeared. The attackers were wearing masks. In 1992, in Art. Chervlennaya was robbed by some men, taking away an icon and a cross, causing bodily harm. Brother's neighbor who lived in the station. Chervlennoy, in his VAZ-2121 car, left the village and disappeared. The car was found in the mountains, and 3 months later he was found in the river.”
A. Vitkov: “In 1992, T.V., born in 1960, mother of three young children, was raped and shot. They tortured neighbors, an elderly husband and wife, because the children sent things (container) to Russia. The Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs refused to look for the criminals.”
“Repeatedly during 1992, Chechens in Grozny beat me, robbed my apartment, and smashed my car because I refused to take part in hostilities with the opposition on the side of the Dudayevites,” he claims. B. Yaroshenko.
She told about the tragedy that happened in 1991 from the words of her friend T. Vdovchenko, who then lived in the city of Grozny: “My neighbor in the stairwell, KGB officer V. Tolstenok, was dragged out of his apartment early in the morning by armed Chechens and a few days later his mutilated corpse was discovered. I didn’t personally see these events myself, but she told me about it OK.».
“In the winter of 1992, the Chechens took away warrants for apartments from me and my neighbors and, threatening them with machine guns, ordered us to evict. I left my apartment, garage, and dacha in Grozny.
My son and daughter witnessed the murder of neighbor B. by the Chechens - he was shot from a machine gun,” says A. Plotnikova.
“My daughter was returning home in the evening. The Chechens dragged her into a car, beat her, cut her and raped her. We were forced to leave Grozny,” says a former resident of Grozny T. Alexandrova.
On April 5, 1992, at the Chernorechensky reservoir, an employee of the instrumentation workshop of the Grozkhimkombinat was found undressed and strangled. Timonin A.V.
Compared to this case, we can say that the resident of the Oktyabrsky district of Grozny was lucky Vodolazskaya L. E. On May 5, 1992, threatening to kill her, her apartment was seized by someone Sugaipova. At the same time, Vodolazskaya’s property was stolen.
Not only Russians became victims of the bandit in Chechnya. M. Khrapova, who lived in Gudermes: “In August 1992, our neighbor, Sargsyan R.S., and his wife, Sargsyan Z. S., tortured and burned alive.”
“At the entrance of my house, people of Chechen nationality shot an Armenian and a Russian. A Russian was killed for standing up for an Armenian,” he claims H. Lobenko.
Director of the training center "Avtotrans" Lubyshev G. F. was shot at point-blank range on March 19, 1992 in his office. By a strange coincidence, before this, unknown persons stole several cars from the plant.
In the spring of the same year, a driver of the Directorate of the Central Caucasus District of the State Traffic Safety Inspectorate of the Russian Federation was shot dead with a firearm. Alexander S. driver of the Central Caucasus District Department of the State Traffic Safety Inspectorate of the Russian Federation. His wife's brother, who was planning to move from Grozny to the Stavropol Territory, was killed along with him.
“In the spring of 1992, in Grozny, on Dyakova Street, a wine and vodka store was completely looted. A live grenade was thrown into the apartment of the manager of this store, as a result of which her husband was killed and her leg was amputated,” says M. Portnykh.
Around the same period of time, a local police officer from the Zavodsky district forcibly took away “POGNOS” from a worker. Tatiana Alexandrovna Shakirova keys to the apartment of her Afghan veteran son Shakirova M. Complete strangers subsequently moved into this living space in the village of Chernorechye.
The adult son of an employee of the construction group of the Grozgiproneftekhim Institute Bondarenko Yu. A. was shot dead in the summer of 1992. At the same time, workers of workshop No. 12 of the Molot AP were killed Chugunov And Kichik.
The bandits did not even spare children. “In 1992, in Grozny, a neighboring school was attacked,” says V. Minkoeva, born in 1978, - Children (seventh grade) were taken hostage and held for 24 hours. The entire class and three teachers were gang raped. In 1993, my classmate M. was kidnapped. In the summer of 1993, on the railway platform. station, before my eyes, a man was shot by Chechens.”
“At the end of August 1992, their granddaughter was taken away in a car, but was soon released, says V. Doronina, - In Art. Nizhnedeviyk (Assinovka) in an orphanage, armed Chechens raped all the girls and teachers. Neighbour Yunys threatened to kill my son and demanded that he sell him the house. At the end of 1991, armed Chechens burst into my relative’s house, demanded money, threatened to kill me, and killed my son.”
Mother of three minor children, employee of the oil refinery named after. Anisimova Tatarintseva B., returning from her garden plot, was killed on July 25, 1992 in front of her husband and a four-year-old girl.
On the night of July 10-11, 1992, in the village of Assinovskaya, an attack was committed on the priest abbot Antonia Danilova. They and everyone living in the church yard were mocked, the valuables of the parish and the priest himself were looted.
S. Akinshin Born in 1961, he recalls the events that took place in the same year: “On August 25, 1992, at about 12 o’clock, 4 Chechens entered the territory of a summer cottage in Grozny and demanded that my wife, who was there, have sexual intercourse with them. When the wife refused, one of them hit her in the face with brass knuckles, causing bodily harm...”
“On August 25, 1992, at about 12 o’clock, at a dacha in the area of ​​the 3rd city hospital in Grozny, four Chechens aged 15-16 years old demanded to have sexual intercourse with them,” says R. Akinshina Born in 1960, - I was indignant. Then one of the Chechens hit me with brass knuckles and they raped me, taking advantage of my helpless state. After that, under threat of murder, I was forced to have sexual intercourse with my dog.”
Worker of workshop 1-101 GKhK Kashirina G. N. On November 16, 1992, she was found dead with traces of being hit by a car on the Karpinsky Kurgan in the vicinity of Grozny.
“My employee, a 22-year-old girl, was raped and shot by Chechens in front of my eyes on the street near our work,” says O. Kalchenko, “I myself was robbed by two Chechens; they took away my last money at knifepoint.”
The population did not always become citizens of the Chechen Republic voluntarily. “Everyone was forced to accept citizenship of the Chechen Republic; if you do not accept, you will not receive food stamps.” - states E. Dzyuba.
“In October 1992, Dudayev announced the mobilization of militants aged 15 to 50 years,” says N. Kovrizhkin, - While working on the railway, the Russians, including me, were guarded by the Chechens as prisoners. At the Gudermes station, I saw Chechens shoot a man I didn’t know with machine guns. The Chechens said that they killed a bloodline.”
Husband of an employee of the instrumentation department of the Grozgiproneftekhim Institute Semyonova N. was killed in the fall of 1992. Around the same time, the father and sister of another employee of this enterprise were brutally murdered, G. Kataeva.
At the same time, an employee of the ROC MCC could not stand the stress and died of paralysis. Doroshkov G., whose son was beaten, who later died.
"November 22, 1992 Dudayev Hussein tried to rape my daughter, beat me, threatened to kill me,” says K. Deniskina.
H. Berezina recalls: “We lived in the village of Assinovsky. My son was constantly beaten at school and was forced not to go there. At my husband’s work (local state farm), Russians were removed from leadership positions.”
The bandits did not take into account respected people either. Tells V. Nazarenko: “He lived in Grozny until November 1992. Dudayev condoned the fact that crimes were openly committed against Russians, and for this no one among the Chechens was punished. The rector of Grozny University suddenly disappeared, and after some time his corpse was accidentally found buried in the forest. They did this to him because he did not want to vacate the position he held.”
“Dudayev’s men took the director of the school hostage. Kalinovskaya Belyaeva V., his deputy Plotnikova V. I., chairman of the collective farm "Kalinovsky" Erina. They demanded a ransom of 12 million rubles. No. Having received the ransom, they killed the hostages,” says V. Bochkareva.
“In 1991, Dudayev’s militants stormed the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, killing police officers, some colonel, and wounding a police major,” he claims M. Panteleeva, - In Grozny, the rector of the oil institute was kidnapped, the vice-rector was killed. Armed militants burst into my parents' apartment - three in masks. One - in a police uniform, at gunpoint and torture with a hot iron, they took away 750 thousand rubles and stole a car.”
“Our neighbors - the T. family (mother, father, son and daughter) were found in their home with signs of violent death,” say those who once lived in Grozny E. Kyrbanova, O. Kyrbanova, L. Kyrbanov.
“A 12-year-old girl was stolen from neighbors (in Grozny), then they planted photographs (where she was abused and raped) and demanded a ransom,” says T. Fefelova.
Against this background, some other cases look almost like hooliganism, which, if they had occurred in any other Russian region, would have become the subject of investigation by the special services.
In October 1992, in the middle of the night in Grozny, a garage was fired upon and a passenger car was disabled by bullets. Alexandrova I., who lived on the street. Tobolskaya 44 sq. 1.
At the same time, on October 24, 1992, her husband and brother were attacked Sinyaeva S. G., who lived on the street. Testaments of Ilyich 191 sq. 33. Having decided to move to the village of Izobilnoye, Stavropol Territory, they, together with their relatives, loaded things onto a truck. After the loading was completed, an unknown person ambushed the men and began to blackmail them, extorting money, after which they fired at them with a firearm.
On the territory of the Assinovskaya village, 11 tractors and several cars were forcibly stolen and stolen from the collective farm named after the XXIV Congress by armed persons. Tractors and cars were confiscated from collective farmers of Russian nationality, followed by beatings of these individuals: Kurnoskina D., Kokhanova N.G., Boldinova V.M., Mishneva M.A., Mozhaeva I.N., Chebotareva N., Gediusheva V., Povetkina N. and many others. Tractors were stolen from the AKZ plant, from Latninova Yu.I. A tractor and two cars were also stolen from the Assinovsky state farm.
Old women robbed and beaten: Fedorova A., Trikovozova M.D., Kazartseva A., Pirozhnikova V., Vanshina M., Isaeva K., Bukhantsova M., Matyukhina V., Malysheva A.K., Tilikova, Mishustina X. I. and etc.
At a pensioner's Shulkova N. S., who lived with her husband and children in the Microdistrict, at 2 Dudaeva Boulevard, apartment 20, on December 29, 1992, they robbed the apartment and beat her son, demanding to vacate the living space. As a result of this, the son was forced to leave. Then the bandits began to blackmail Shulkova’s husband, and on June 11, 1993, they beat both elderly people, demanding to give up a warrant from the apartment.
March 8, 1992 - at night, breaking into the house of pensioners Tishchenko, armed bandits tied them up, beat them, robbed them, and stole a car from the yard.
December 17, 1992 - at night with pensioners Timoshenko V. A. a car was stolen by armed persons.
“On January 13, 1991, my husband and I were subjected to a robbery by Chechens in our apartment (Grozny) - they took away all our valuables, even the earrings from our ears,” says Y.Nefedova.
It deserves to be quoted in full, a letter from the Enin family to the ataman of the Cossack Union Martynov:
“...from the Enin family: reserve lieutenant colonel Enina M. I., Enina R.V. And Enina S. M., mother of three children living temporarily in the CDSA hotel
We, the family of Lieutenant Colonel Enin, were forced to leave Grozny, leaving our apartment and our acquired property. Lately it has become impossible to live there and that’s all. Three of us teachers were kicked out (fired) from work in April, and our personal files were confiscated (S.M. Enina - biologist, R.V. Enina - mathematician, M.I. Enina - physicist). They kicked me out in the middle of the school year, leaving me without vacation, without coupons or compensation. Then they started poisoning the children. Bottles of mercury were thrown into a school where most Russian children study. The girls were afraid to go outside because... The thugs of the indigenous nationality were constantly pursuing them with the goal of stealing them.
Unbearable situation in transport, bread shops. Without insults and provocations it is impossible to even buy a loaf of bread. When you go home, they kick you in the back and cut your coat with a knife. Finally, I managed to get a job as a teacher in a kindergarten, but the salary they gave me was only 105 rubles. (despite higher education) compensation and child benefits were not going to be paid. While indigenous workers received high salaries.
Before the elections, Dudayev’s gang of thugs tried to break into our apartment at night. At the same time, they thrust daggers through and shouted: “If you don’t go back to your Russia tomorrow, we will slaughter you and the whole town.” Only by a miracle did something prevent them from breaking into the apartment. Screaming, noise and assurances that we will leave. We had to leave our home, just like thousands of Russians.
Now we are homeless, without work, without benefits and assistance that is given to the poor. We came here because my husband served in the Moscow District Air Defense Forces for most of his service as a reserve lieutenant colonel. They had an apartment. My daughter studied here. Our nephew, who graduated from the Military Academy, lives here. We ask you to help us acquire registration and a roof over our heads, because without this it is impossible for children to exist, work and study.
R.V. Enina, S.M. Enina and M.I. Enin, reserve lieutenant colonel. February 18, 1992"
After listing such facts, it is not surprising that there are so few Russians left in Chechnya. According to a source of the North Caucasus News Agency, the Orthodox parish in Grozny currently numbers 20 people. “They say that on holidays 50 people are recruited,” the source said.

http://www.skfonews.ru/article/20